The main goal of the thesis is to develop an understanding of the history of international society, reinterpreting it as the uneven and combined development of capitalism. It is argued that uneven and combined development is the historical form that capitalism has taken in expanding international society. The way in which each individual society was integrated into the expanding international society depended on the local conditions and how this fed into the international context set by an already-existing world market and states-system. When subjected to the pressures of capitalist expansion, states attempted to quickly consolidate their power and increase revenue by developing their productive capacity through copying the methods of production and political organisation which had made Europe so strong. This produced a particular model of development in that advanced forms were often grafted onto pre-existing structures. The experience of this creates the particular context in which political action takes place. The case studies of Egypt and Vietnam provide two local comparative applications of the theory. Each case study shows, through historical reconstruction, how the history of international society and the history of individual societies are intertwined. It will also show that in both cases the experience of uneven and combined development created a particular distorted and twisted class structure which meant that social and political instability was built in. By charting their different experiences an explanation is provided for the two very different routes they took: in Egypt's case - a nationalist military coup d'etat, and in Vietnam's case - Communist revolution and war. But the theory goes further than just providing an analysis of domestic instabilities, it also shows how it is the management of these very instabilities which has dominated the policies and actions of the major powers throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

This study examines how the uneven application of regulatory standards in oil exploration and extraction in Nigeria has exacerbated ethnic and class tensions and how the oil exploration activities have affected the individual and collective lives of the people in the Niger Delta region. Overall, the study links the individual and collective lives of Nigerians, particularly people in Obelle and Obagi communities to the political economy of global capital. Furthermore, the study explores how the expansion and activities of global capital necessarily create ethnic tension, class struggle, and gender inequality. In order to maintain the status quo, global capital creates structural inequalities that divide societies into hierarchies of the rich and the poor. The study also examines the strategies adopted by the people to ameliorate negative consequences of oil exploration in the communities.<p>In this study, the researcher posits that there is a relationship between the uneven application of international and national regulations in oil production by MNCs and environmental degradation as well as the negative effect on peoples live and means of livelihood, resulting in competition for scarce resources, which in turn have exacerbated ethnic conflict between and among communities. Consequently, the main questions addressed in the study focus on if, how, and why globalization, carried out through the activities of MNCs, affects ethnic tension, class struggle, and gender inequality. In order to address the questions, a critical ethnographic paradigm was used to explore and explain the processes of globalization that affect the peoples lives and means of livelihood. Since this studys focus is on a neglected population (Obelle and Obagi communities), a critical ethnographic paradigm was used to speak on behalf of the subjects as a means of empowering them by giving more authority to their voices. Consequently, this study has the possibility of not only speaking about the marginalization of the people of Obelle and Obagi communities and their livelihood but, also, speaking on their behalf in order to increase awareness of their present economic situation, aiming at the general improvement of their economic situation and quality of life. This study, therefore, provided the subjects an opportunity to articulate their economic problems and share their lived experiences in a region that has been devastated by the activities of oil MNCs. Data were collected and analyzed using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The specific methods used in data collection included in-depth interviews, questionnaires, and observation. Analysis of the data was done by employing a variety of methods that includes a combination of descriptive statistics based on cross-tabulation, analysis of themes that emerged from in-depth interviews, and Atlas.ti 5.0 qualitative analysis computer programme to show the relationship between variables that emerged from the study. The results obtained from the study support the hypothesis that the oil MNCs in Nigeria, in partnership with the Nigerian government, have engaged in a process of resource exploitation that has resulted in economic expropriation, political disenfranchisement, social dislocation, anomie and environmental devastation, of the people of the Niger Delta and Obagi/Obelle in particular.

This study examines how the uneven application of regulatory standards in oil exploration and extraction in Nigeria has exacerbated ethnic and class tensions and how the oil exploration activities have affected the individual and collective lives of the people in the Niger Delta region. Overall, the study links the individual and collective lives of Nigerians, particularly people in Obelle and Obagi communities to the political economy of global capital. Furthermore, the study explores how the expansion and activities of global capital necessarily create ethnic tension, class struggle, and gender inequality. In order to maintain the status quo, global capital creates structural inequalities that divide societies into hierarchies of the rich and the poor. The study also examines the strategies adopted by the people to ameliorate negative consequences of oil exploration in the communities.<p>In this study, the researcher posits that there is a relationship between the uneven application of international and national regulations in oil production by MNCs and environmental degradation as well as the negative effect on peoples live and means of livelihood, resulting in competition for scarce resources, which in turn have exacerbated ethnic conflict between and among communities. Consequently, the main questions addressed in the study focus on if, how, and why globalization, carried out through the activities of MNCs, affects ethnic tension, class struggle, and gender inequality. In order to address the questions, a critical ethnographic paradigm was used to explore and explain the processes of globalization that affect the peoples lives and means of livelihood. Since this studys focus is on a neglected population (Obelle and Obagi communities), a critical ethnographic paradigm was used to speak on behalf of the subjects as a means of empowering them by giving more authority to their voices. Consequently, this study has the possibility of not only speaking about the marginalization of the people of Obelle and Obagi communities and their livelihood but, also, speaking on their behalf in order to increase awareness of their present economic situation, aiming at the general improvement of their economic situation and quality of life. This study, therefore, provided the subjects an opportunity to articulate their economic problems and share their lived experiences in a region that has been devastated by the activities of oil MNCs. Data were collected and analyzed using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The specific methods used in data collection included in-depth interviews, questionnaires, and observation. Analysis of the data was done by employing a variety of methods that includes a combination of descriptive statistics based on cross-tabulation, analysis of themes that emerged from in-depth interviews, and Atlas.ti 5.0 qualitative analysis computer programme to show the relationship between variables that emerged from the study. The results obtained from the study support the hypothesis that the oil MNCs in Nigeria, in partnership with the Nigerian government, have engaged in a process of resource exploitation that has resulted in economic expropriation, political disenfranchisement, social dislocation, anomie and environmental devastation, of the people of the Niger Delta and Obagi/Obelle in particular.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

yes / This themed section takes as its starting point the premise that the body matters in International Political Economy (IPE) and presents four original articles which support and illustrate this ontologically critical and, perhaps, provocative position. Although feminist scholarship has undoubtedly gained a place at the table in IPE, it is curious that one of the most important concerns, and contributions, of feminist IPE – that global capitalism is marked upon, and forged through, bodies – has not emerged as a major preoccupation for the discipline more broadly. In what follows we present what we believe is a strong corrective to that inattention and, in so doing we hope to begin to set out an exploratory agenda for the body to be both foundational and fundamental to contemporary IPE.

The argument that the world has been witnessing a transformation from national developmentalism towards a new form of developmentalism especially after the 1980s has increasingly become more widespread in the development literature. Moreover, the concerned literature has recently been dominated by the provocative claim that the notion of development itself is no longer operational and meaningful. However, it is still very ambiguous as to how this new form of development which is primarily implemented by the hands of the international corporations and institutions rather than the nation-states is being conceptualized with regard to the existing models of development and how to name it. This dissertation advances the claim that the national developmentalism has given way to what will be called as the &lsquo / global developmentalism&rsquo / in this context and it operates through the notions of the locality and particularity, which are conceptual elements intrinsic to the global capitalism. This dissertation will also attempt to reveal that the logic of global developmentalism no longer depends on the main conceptual categories of the notion of development / thus it can no longer be regarded as a form of developmentalism. The field research of this dissertation involves the analysis of several major and minor projects which are thought to be implemented within either national developmentalism or global developmentalism, or intermediate forms between these two. This dissertation will advance a discussion on the transformation from national developmentalism to global developmentalism and make a discourse analysis of these two forms of developmentalism by interpreting the data obtained from the deep interviews with experts that have worked in these projects, the local inhabitants in the project-affected areas, and from analysis of the observable consequences of these projects.

Esta tese apresenta um estudo de caso sobre a Vale S.A. e as relações de trabalho e sindicais na empresa por meio de observações em campo e entrevistas realizadas no Brasil e no Canadá. Seu objetivo é analisar questões como: 1) a transnacionalização em curso da Vale e suas consequências para as relações de trabalho, revelando aspectos da dinâmica de integração da economia brasileira ao capitalismo global; 2) a estratégia de relações de trabalho e sindicais da empresa, que busca o enfraquecimento e o isolamento dos sindicatos, evitando ameaças ao poder corporativo; e 3) a reestruturação das operações da Vale no Canadá e as mudanças promovidas na relação com o sindicato e com os trabalhadores locais, baseadas na estratégia de relações de trabalho desenvolvida historicamente pela empresa no Brasil, o que levou à maior greve no setor privado naquele país em 30 anos. / This doctoral thesis presents a case study about Vale S.A. and its labor and union relations through fieldwork and interviews conducted in Brazil and Canada. It aims to analyze certain issues such as: 1) Vales ongoing transnationalization process and its consequences for labor relations, revealing some aspects of the integration of Brazilian economy into global capitalism; 2) the companys labor and union relations strategy, which seeks to weaken and isolate unions, avoiding threats to corporate power; 3) the restructuring of Vales operations in Canada and changes in the relationship with the union and local workers, based on the companys labor relations strategy, historically developed in Brazil, which led to the largest strike in Canadian private sector over the last 30 years.

O objeto geral desta pesquisa é o devir histórico-geográfico de largo espectro das sociedades mesoamericanas. Através dele se problematiza os fundamentos que animaram seu movimento de reprodução e formaram as condições objetivas de existência dos indígenas de Chiapas (México), onde o EZLN (Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional) tem por excelência seu campo de atuação. A investigação se concentra sobre a tendência integrativa do trabalho social em escalas progressivamente mais amplas, correpondendo a diferentes metabolismos geográficos em que as comunidades ameríndias eram configuradas ou mesmo descaracterizadas enquanto tais sob o imperativo de relações societárias supra-comunitárias, hierarquizadas e regionais. Este processo, em sua face colonial, desmontou e reestruturou radicalmente as territorialidades das sociedades ameríndias, atomizando e reduzindo sua organização territorial em comunidades locais de pequeno porte, ao passo que as articulava sob a ordem colonial da superexploração do trabalho a nível intercontinental. Esta integração-fragmentadora da formação territorial do México colonial engendrou elaborações étnico-identitárias, tanto singulares (grupos étnicos), quanto gerais (indígena), que se constituíram mediante tal geografia política colonial, muitas vezes radicando sua condição campesina, comunitária e autóctone como fundamento de sua própria etnicidade. A questão que se apresenta é a interrogação sobre o desenvolvimento histórico-geográfico das sociedades ameríndias na sua importância quanto ao entendimento do atual embate político em que os grupos e as comunidades estão inseridos em toda América Latina. A emergência e a atuação do movimento zapatista aparece como um ator insurgente, que permitiu um amplo processo de recuperação de terras indígenas mediante o levante armado de 1994, mas desde então tem sofrido uma feroz e sofisticada campanha de contra-insurgência protagonizada pelo Estado mexicano e seus apoiadores privados (nacionais e internacionais). O modo de vida indígena-comunitário passa a ser resignificado no âmbito de uma valorização étnico-cultural de sua ancestralidade, mas ao mesmo tempo é atravessado por processos fragmentadores que tensionam as bases e os laços da vida social comunitária. O metabolismo geográfico do capital monopolista transnacional reinsere os territórios indígenas sob uma geografia política altamente complexa, em que as configurações territoriais assumem um papel imperativo na normatização e no controle das práticas sociais e políticas. Por consequência da estrutura do metabolismo contemporâneo, a racionalização global-regional das geografias locais resulta em um grave problema cognitivo à elaboração da luta pelos atores locais, seja no campo ou na cidade, implicando dramaticamente sobre as possibilidades estratégicas do agir político. Este objeto específico é investigado em função do desenvolvimento das práticas políticas do EZLN, sobretudo, nos termos possíveis da ação regional e supra-comunitária. / The general object of this research is the broad historical and geographical becoming of Mesoamerican indigenous communities. Through it we discuss the fundamentals that inspired its playback movement and the formation of the objective conditions of existence of Chiapas\'s indigenous people (Mexico), where the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) has quintessential their actuation\'s field. The investigation focuses on the integrative tendency of social work progressively in larger scales, the different geographical metabolisms in the Native American communities, largely were necessarily integrated. This process, in its colonial face, dismounted and seriously restructured the territoriality of Mesoamerican societies, atomizing and reducing its territorial organization in small local communities, while they were articulated under the colonial order of the overexploitation of labor in a inter-continental level. This fragmentary integration of the territorial formation of colonial Mexico engendered ethnic-identitarian elaborations, both singular (ethnic groups) and general (indigenous), which were constituted by such colonial political geography, often rooted in its peasant, communitarian and autochthonous condition as a foundation of their own ethnicity. The question that arises is the inquiry about the historical-geographic development of Amerindian societies in their importance in understanding the current political clash in which groups and communities are inserted throughout Latin America. The emergence and performance of the Zapatista movement appears later in this scenario as an insurgent actor, who allowed a broad process of recovery of indigenous lands by the armed uprising of 1994, but since has undergone a fierce and sophisticated campaign of counterinsurgency led by the Mexican State and its private backers (national and international). The Indian-communal way of life becomes reframed within an ethno-cultural appreciation of their ancestry, but at the same time is crossed by fragmenting processes tensioning the foundations and ties of community social life. The geographical metabolism of transnational monopolist capital reinserts indigenous territories in a highly complex political geography, where territorial settings play an imperative role in the regulation and control of social and political practices. As a result of the structure of contemporary metabolism, global-regional rationalization of local geographies results in a serious \"cognitive problem\" to the subjects in general, generating dramatic implications for strategic possibilities of political action. This particular object is investigated with the development of the EZLN\'s political practices, particularly on the possible terms of regional and supra-community action.