Magister Artium - MA / This thesis is concerned with the lives and deaths of four 1938 Voortrekker Centenary Monuments. The 1938 Voortrekker Centenary saw the construction of more than 500 centenary monuments. Each one of these structures has a biography. This study will consider how monuments celebrate current regimes and ideologies instead of narratives pertaining to the past. It will explore how monuments dating from South Africa’s imperialist and apartheid pasts reflect continued inequalities in both rural and urban South African landscapes. It will also consider how monuments cement problematic and mythological versions of the past. The most infamous 1938 Voortrekker Centenary Monument is the Voortrekker Monument, designed by Gerard Moerdyk, in Pretoria. The Voortrekker Monument is important because in many ways it acts as a proxy to the hundreds of smaller 1938 Voortrekker Centenary Monuments scattered around South Africa. This study will look at how some of the theoretical frameworks concerned with the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria can be applied to three centenary monuments in the Riebeek Valley and Durbanville in the Western Cape. This thesis will consider how perceptions of the symbolism of these monuments have changed between their construction in the late 1930s and 2018. The Afrikaner nationalistic fever that gave birth to these structures will be dissected. It will also consider how the 1938 Voortrekker Centenary Monuments symbolically changed as South Africans witnessed the disintegration of apartheid. This study will explore how these monuments have integrated into the heritage and experiential economies. It will also consider some of the anomalies relating to these structures, including hauntings. Finally, the vandalism, destruction and futures of these structures will also briefly come into question.

Apart from a sense of racial superiority, which was certainly not unique to white Cape colonists, what is clear is that at the turn of the nineteenth century, Afrikaners were a disparate group. Economically, geographically, educationally, and religiously they were by no means united. Hierarchies existed throughout all cross sections of society. There was little political consciousness and no sense of a nation. Yet by the end of the nineteenth century they had developed a distinct sense of nationalism, indeed of a volk [people; ethnicity] ordained by God. The objective of this thesis is to identify and analyze three key historical events, the emotional sentiments evoked by these nationalistic milestones, and the evolution of a unified Afrikaner identity that would ultimately be used to justify the abhorrent system of apartheid.

From the late 1830s Boer settlers conquered and settled vast new lands outside the Cape Colony. Although they more than doubled the area of European domination, historians have categorised Boer society outside the British colonies as primitive and dismissed the Boer conquests as an abberation from the broader process of European expansion. Such a distinction is no longer tenable. This study, which focuses on the Obrigstad/Lydenburg area, shows that the Boers were an integral part of European expansion in southern Africa. Settler expansion did not occur in a vacuum. Booming demand for commodities sparked economic growth across the sub-continent; the Boers were part of this process and consistently strove to produce for the region's expanding markets. In tandem with the expanding regional system, the Boer economy grew constantly. This was reflected in the centralisation of power in the Z.A.R. as Boer producers created formal political and administrative structures to further their economic interests. (A parallel process culminated in the Cape with colonists receiving representative government in March 1853.) This correlation between political and economic development was evident in the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boer state. Through their control of state structures, the Boers employed measures ranging from brute force to punitive taxation, legally enforceable contracts and pass laws to procure and control workers. It is important to note that the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boers paralleled similar developments in the Cape Colony. The speed with which the Boer economy expanded in comparison to the Cape, however, meant that stages in the development of an unfree labour force which had been chronologically distinct in the Cape coexisted within the Boer coercive system. Boer dependence on coerced labour made conflict with African groups inevitable. African groups in the eastern Transvaal had already been partly moulded by predatory economic forces emanating from the Portuguese settlements on the east coast since at least the 1750s. The arrival of the Boers in the 1840s greatly accelerated this process. Some groups were crushed, but others were able to obtain the means to resist Boer rule by interfacing with the settler economy. The economic forces which drove Boer settlement were thus not confined to the white settlers: Boer expansion was paralleled by the rise of African survivor states. The Dlamini, for example, built the powerful Swazi state by exchanging captives, ivory and cattle for guns and horses. Similarly, the Pedi, through the large scale expon of migrant labour, were able to acquire the means to challenge Boer authority in the late 1870s. Oearly then, the Boers 'Were not only representative of the wider settler social and economic order, but were acting in response to the same circumstances as the British settlers, Portuguese traders and African survivor states. It is thus impossible to continue to classify them as retrogressive and distinct from other groups in the region.

After suffering heavy losses at the hands of the warriors of Zulu King Dingane (c. 1795-1840), a Voortrekker commando advanced against the former in December 1838. As it was evident that they would be faced by superior enemy numbers, the Voortrekkers were induced by A.W.J. Pretorius (1798-1853) and S.A. Cilliers (1801-1871), to enter into a covenant with God. Its exact words were not recorded, but eyewitnesses' later versions concurred that God had been requested to assist them in vanquishing the Zulu Army. Should they be victorious, the Voortrekkers undertook that they and their descendants would annually dedicate the day of the conquest to the glory of God alone. The Battle of Blood River took place on 16 December 1838, marking the Voortrekkers' desired victory. On the same day, the Covenant was fulfilled for the first time on the very battlefield. Thus the oldest Afrikaner national celebration, later known as Dingaan's Day or Day of the Covenant, came about. Initially the Covenant was commemorated in a small way by families and religious associates. In 1864 the General Synod of the Afrikaners' Natal Churches agreed that 16 December would henceforth be celebrated as ecclesiastical day of thanksgiving by all its congregations. This was the result of the efforts of two Dutch clergymen and supporters of Revival Theology, namely Revs. D.P.M. Huet (1827-1895) and F.L. Cachet (1835-1899). In 1865 the Executive Counsel of the South African Republic declared 16 December to be a public holiday in this Boer Republic. During the Anglo Transvaal (1880-1881) and Anglo Boer Wars (1899-1902), the commemoration of the Covenant inspired Afrikaners. The celebrations acquired a deeply nationalistic significance. A growing number of Covenant ceremonies were annually being organised throughout the Boer Republics and northern Natal. In 1894 the Government of the Free State also declared 16 December to be a public holiday. English-speaking compatriots and members of other races in general attached little importance to the Covenant, normally utilising 16 December for recreational purposes only. In 1910 an act was passed by Parliament according to which 16 December would be celebrated as a national holiday (Dingaan's Day) throughout the Union of South Africa, as of 1911. The celebration of the Covenant of 1838 has had an inestimable influence on Afrikaner and even South African cultural history. It played an important religious, national, social and educational role in everyday life, stimulating and shaping the Afrikaner's creativity, historical consciousness, ethics and intercultural relations. In 1952 the name of the day was changed from Dingaan's Day to Day of the Covenant. After 1994, in post-apartheid South Africa, it has still remained a public holiday, even though it is now known as Day of Reconciliation. The fact that it has been retained as a holiday is regarded as a significant gesture of goodwill towards Afrikaners. A study of South Africans' diverse attitudes towards the celebration of the Covenant of 1838, starting with the earliest commemorations between 1838 and 1910, may contribute towards mutual understanding and harmony. / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

In 1796, the first time the British occupied the Cape, a former Dutch colony in 1806 then definitely. British colonial policy in South Africa was initially influenced by the former practice of the Dutch East India Company. Problems inherited from the past involving government, law and the institution of slavery. Very thorny questions were slave trade and land ownership. In 1807 a law was adopted to ban the import of slaves in the colonies of the British Empire. In 1809 was issued collection of laws by Lord Calendon called Calendon code. In 1811 Governor John Cradock established circulation courts. In 1820 arrived in the Cape Colony of British settlers in 4000 to increase proportion of the white population of British origin. In 1828 was issued Ordinance 50, in 1833 Britain abolished slavery law with effect from 1838. These government actions led to disputes with the Boer population, which peaked in 1836, leaving Boers in the so-called Great Trek, which had a significant impact on indigenous communities strains disrupted at the time mfecane and led to the establishment of the independent Boer republics. Key words: Africans - Boers - Cape of Good Hope - colonial policy - emancipation - Great Britain - Great Trek - South Africa - slavery

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1992 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The aim of this study was to compile a description of the life and contribution of Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, eastern frontier pioneer and Voortrekker. Secondly, Erasmus has been set against the background of the problems of the frontier farmers of the north-eastern frontier wards, Brak River and Kraai River in the years 1825 - 1837. Stephanus Erasmus was christened as the surname child of Daniel Elardus and cat.har-dria Elisabeth Erasmus in April 1788. In 1804 or 1805 Daniel Erasmus moved from the Graaff-Reinet district to the Swellendam district. Here Stephanus Erasmus married Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger in 1812. At least ten children were born out of this marriage, while a second marriage to Anna Maria Neethling produced a daughter. Erasmus moved to the Beaufort district in 1821. From 1822 1824 he -'resided in the Graaff-Reinet area, and from 1825 he settled in the new district of SomersetEast. Like many of the other frontier farmers, this frontier pioneer probably participated in the northeastern migration for economical and geographical reasons. Erasmus played a leading role in this district in the capacity of provisional field cornet for Brak River. From 1835 he was field cornet for the new ward of Kraai River where he settled on the farm Mooiplaats. As a respected leader, Erasmus was fully aware of the administrative neglect of the north-eastern frontier wards. The progressive destabilisation of these wards, as well as the conflict between groups of black refugees this the uncertainty regarding dissatisfaction with frontier farmers, contributed insecurity. The question of for concern to Erasmus and his The their and the north-eastern towards the feeling of landownership was a cause fellow pioneer farmers. issue contributed to British government. Like many other frontier farmers, Stephanus Erasmus came into conflict with the authorities with regard to the treatment of his slaves. To make matters worse, a murder charge was brought against him after he had shot and killed a black man in the execution of his duties as field cornet. In 1836 Erasmus went on a hunting expedition in the direction of the Vaal River. During this expedition the Ndebele of Mzilikazi ambushed them on 21 August 1836 and two of Erasmus's sons were killed. Two days later Erasmus took part in the Vaal River battle. Erasmus then returned to the Colony from where he emigrated by the middle of 1837. As the leader of his own trek he held the office of commandant. It appears that he was a distinguished and revered Voortrekker leader. He was, for example, one of the six commandants at the battle of Blood River, and was in a leadership position during the battle of the White-Mfolozi. As a citizen of the Republic of Natal, Erasmus played a leading role in public life. He was a member of the Volksraad as well as a member of the Council of Landdros and Heemrade. After Britain had annexed Natal, Erasmus moved to Winburg and Potchefstroom. In 1845 he went to Ohrigstad where he died in February 1847. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Die doel van hierdie studie was om 'n beskrywing van die lewe en bydrae van Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, oosgrenspionier en Voortrekker, te gee. Tweedens is Erasmus geplaas teen die agtergrond van die probleme van die grensboere van die noordoostelike grenswyke, Brakrivier en Kraairivier, in die jare 1825 - 1837. stephanus Erasmus is in April 1788 gedoop as 'n kind van Daniel Elardus en Catharina Elisabeth Erasmus. Teen 1804 of 1805 het Daniel Erasmus van die distrik Graaff-Reinet na die distrik Swellendam verhuis. Stephanus Erasmus is in die distrik in 1812 met Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger getroud. uit hierdie huwelik is minstens tien kinders gebore, terwyl nog In dogter uit 'n tweede huwelik met Anna Maria Neethling gebore is. Erasmus het in 1821 na die distrik Beaufort verhuis. Van 1822 1824 was hy in die distrik Graaff-Reinet woonagtig. Sedert 1825 het Erasmus hom in die nuwe distrik Somerset-Oos gevestig. Soos sy mede-grensboere het die grensboerpionier waarskynlik vanwee ekonomiese en geografiese redes aan die noordoosmigrasie deelgeneem. In die distrik het Erasmus In belangrike leiersrol vervul as provisionele veldkornet van Brakrivier en sedert 1835 as veldkornet van die nuwe wyk Kraairivier. Daar het hy hom op die plaas Mooiplaats gevestig. As In gerespekteerde leiersfiguur sou Erasmus deeglik kennis neem van die administratiewe verwaarlosing van die , noordoosgrenswyke. Die toenemende destabilisasie van die noordoosgrenswyke en die konflik tussen groepe swart vlugtelinge en die noordoosgrensboere het tot die gevoel van onveiligheid bygedra. Die reg op grondbesit het Erasmus en sy mede-grensboere na aan die hart gele en onsekerheid rondom hierdie kwessie het tot toenemende ontevredenheid teenoor die Britse regering gelei. Soos talle ander grensboere het Stephanus Erasmus met die regering gebots as gevolg van die behandeling van sy slawe. Om sake te vererger is 'n moordaanklag teen hom aanhangig gemaak nadat hy 'n swartman in die uitvoering van sy pligte as veldkornet doodgeskiet het. In 1836 het Erasmus 'n jagtog in die rigting van die Vaalrivier onderneem. Hiertydens het die Ndebele van Mzilikazi op 21 Augustus 1836 'n verrassingsaanval op sy j agkamp geloods en is onder andere twee van Erasmus se seuns gedood. Hierop het Erasmus twee dae later aan die Vaalrivierslag deelgeneem. Daarna het Erasmus eers na die Kolonie teruggekeer en teen die middel van 1837 het hy geemigreer. As leier van sy eie trek het hy die amp van kommandant beklee. Dit blyk dat hy 'n vername en gewaardeerde Voortrekkerleier was. Hy was byvoorbeeld een van die ses kommandante by die slag van Bloedrivier en ook in 'n leiershoedanigheid tydens die slag van die Wit-Mfolozi. As burger van die Republiek van Natal het Erasmus 'n leiersrol in die openbare lewe gespeel. Hy was naamlik Volksraadslid en lid van die Raad van Landdros en Heemrade in Natal. Na die Britse anneksasie van Natal het die ou Voortrekker na Winburg en Potchefstroom verhuis waarna hy in 1845 na ohrigstad getrek het. Hier is Erasmus in Februarie 1847 oorlede.

AFRIKAANS : Die Simboliese Ossewatrek wat op 8 Augustus 1938 by die Van Riebeeck-standbeeld in Kaapstad begin het en op 16 Desember 1938 met die hoeksteenlegging van die Voortrekkermonument in Pretoria geëindig het, het tydens die honderdjarige herdenking van die Groot Trek grootliks tot die oplewing van Afrikanernasionalisme en Afrikaneridentiteitsvorming bygedra. Tydens die Voortrekkereeufeesvieringe in 1938 het die waens na beraming by meer as vyfhonderd dorpe en plekke aangedoen waar entoesiasties feesgevier is met historiese optogte en opvoerings, kerkdienste, toesprake en feesredes en die lê van ’n klipstapel of die onthulling van ’n monument of gedenkteken wat spesiaal vir die geleentheid opgerig is. Die doel van die studie was om eerstens ’n gedetailleerde databasis saam te stel oor die minder bekende monumente en gedenktekens wat in 1938 dwarsoor Suid-Afrika opgerig is en om hulle sover moontlik behoorlik te dokumenteer. Tweedens is die relevansie, kulturele betekenis en bewaring van die tasbare onverskuifbare erfenis in ’n post-apartheid Suid-Afrika geëvalueer en bespreek. ENGLISH : The symbolic ox-wagon trek that started on 8 August 1938 at the Van Riebeeck statue in Cape Town and ended with the foundation stone laying of the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria on 16 December 1938, contributed to the revival of Afrikaner Nationalism and the forming of an Afrikaner identity. During the Voortrekker Centenary celebrations in 1938 the wagons visited more than five hundred towns where the inhabitants enthusiastically celebrated the event with historical pageants and processions, church services, speeches and usually stone cairns were layed or a monument or memorial was unveiled to commemorate the occasion. The main aim of this study was to compile a detailed database about these often unknown monuments and memorials that were erected all over South Africa in 1938 and to document them as far as possible. The second aim was to evaluate and discuss the relevance, cultural significance and preservation of these unmovable heritage structures in a post-apartheid South Africa. / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of various historical novels which dealt to a greater or lesser degree with the Great Trek and were written between the 1840s and the 1930s in Dutch, Afrikaans and English but with particular emphasis on H.P. Lamont's War, Wine and Women and Stuart Cloete's Turning Wheels (1937). The analysis of all these fictional reconstructions focuses on the portrayal of the Voortrekkers found in them. Much attention is also paid to the historical contexts in which the two principal works in question were written and the great controversies which they occasioned because both of their authors had had the temerity to challenge the long-established myth of the heroic Voortrekkers, one of the holiest of the iconic cows in the barns of their Afrikaner descendants. Chapter I, "Introduction", is a statement of the purpose of the study, its place in the context of analyses of the history of Afrikaner nationalism, its structure and the sources on which it is based. Chapter II, "The Unfolding of the Myth of the Heroic Voortrekkers", traces its evolution from the 1830s to the 1930s and explores how both English-speaking South Africans and Afrikaners, especially Gustav PrelIer, purposefully contributed to it. Also highlighted in this chapter is the significance of the Great Trek Centenary and the events leading up to it in the middle and late 1930s in intensifying Afrikaner nationalism. Chapter III, "The Heroic Myth in Early Dutch and Afrikaans Novels about the Great Trek", considers especially how these works were used as vehicles for placing before Afrikaners the historic virtues of their ancestors both to provide models for emulation and to stimulate their ethnic pride. Chapter IV, "Sympathetic English Reconstructions of the Great Trek", deals with two novels, Eugenie de Kalb's Far Enough and Francis Brett Young's They Seek a Country, both of which reproduced the heroic myth to some extent. Chapter V, "Rendezvous with Disaster? The South Africa in Which Lamont Wrote War, Wine and Women" establishes the context of intensifying Afrikaner nationalism which this immigrant from the United Kingdom encountered in the late 1920s when he accepted a lectureship at the University of Pretoria and why this context was hostile to a novel which was critical of Afrikanerdom. Chapter VI, "Wa1~ Wine and Women: Its General Context and Commentary on South Africa" explores how this work, conceived as a "war book" dealing with the 1914-1918 conflict in Europe, depicted both Englishmen and Afrikaners negatively. Chapter VII, "Academic Freedom vs. Afrikaner Nationalism: The Consequential Strife over War, Wine and Women" deals with the hostile reception of Lamont's pseudonymously published novel, the physical assault on him and his dismissal from his lectureship at the University of Pretoria. Chapter VIII, "The Rhetoric of Revenge in Lamont's Halcyon Days in Africa", explores how the author, after relurning lo England, used his pen as a weapon for striking back al his Afrikaans foes in South Africa. Chapter IX, "Stuart Cloete's Portrayal of the Voortrekkers in Turning U'heels", focuses on the portrayal of various ethnic types in his gallery of characters. Chapter X, "The Con troversy over Turning U'heels", handles the hostile and apparently orchestrated reaction to Cloete's book and how it was eventually banned. Chapter XI, "Conclusion: Quod Eral Demonstrandum", summarises several thematic findings which a detailed examination of the novels in their historical context yields. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling is 'n interdissiplinêre studie van verskeie historiese romans waarin daar in 'n mindere ofmeerdere mate op die Groot Trek gefokus word en wat geskryfis tussen die 1840's en die 1930's in Nederlands, Afrikaans en Engels, maar met die klem op H. P. Lamont se War, Wine and Wamen en Stuart Cloete se Turning Wheels (1937) in die besonder. Die analise van al hierdie fiktiewe rekonstruksies fokus op die uitbeelding van die Voortrekkers daarin. Daar word ook in die besonder aandag gegee aan die historiese kontekste waarbinne hierdie twee hoofwerke geskryfis en die groot polemiek daarrondom, omdat beide outeurs die vermetelheid gehad het om die lank reeds gevestigde mite van die heldhaftige Voortrekkers, een van die heiligste ikoniese koeie in die skure van die Afrikanernageslagte, uit te daag. Hoofstuk I, "Introduction", stel die doel van die studie, waar dit staan in die konteks van analises van die geskiedenis van Afrikanernasionalisme, die skruktuur en die bronne waarop dit gebaseer is. Hoofstuk II, "The Unfolding of the Myth of the Herioc Voortrekkers", volg die evolusie van Afrikanernasionalisme van die 1830's tot die 1930's en ondersoek op beide Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners en Afrikaners, veral Gustav Preller, doelgerig hiertoe bygedra het. In hierdie hoofstuk word daar ook beklemtoon hoe betekenisvol die honderdjarige herdenking van die Groot Trek en die gebeure wat daartoe aanleiding gegee het gedurende die middel- en laat 1930's, bygedra het tot die versterking van Afrikanernasionalisme. Hoofstuk III, "The Heroic Myth in Early Dutch and Afrikaans Novels about the Great Trek", bespreek veral hoe hierdie werke gebruik is om aan Afrikaners die historiese deugsaamheid van hulle voorvaders voor te hou en wat as voorbeelde moet dien wat nagestreef moet word en om hulle etniese trots te stimuleer. Hoofstuk IV, "Sympathetic English Reconstructions of the Great Trek", bespreek twee romans, Far Enough van Eugenie de Kalb en TheySeek a Country van Francis Brett Young, wat altwee die heroïse mite in 'n sekere mate herproduseer. Hoofstuk V, "Rendezvous with Disaster? The South Africa in Which Lamont Wrote War, Wine and Women" vestig die konteks van groeiende Afrikanernasionalisme wat hierdie immigrant van die Verenigde Koninkryk in die laat 1920's teëgekom het toe hy 'n lektoraat aan die Universiteit van Pretoria aanvaar het, en hoekom hierdie konteks vyandiggesind was teenoor 'n roman wat krities was teenoor die Afrikanerdom. Hoofstuk VI, "Wa1~ Wine and Women: Its General Context and Commentary on South Africa" ondersoek hoe hierdie werk, beskou as 'n "oorlogsboek" wat handeloor die 1914-1918 konflik in Europa, beide die Engelse en die Afrikaners in 'n negatiewe lig gestel het. Hoofstuk VII, "Academic Freedom vs. Afrikaner Nationalism: The Consequential Strife over War, Wine and Women" skenk aandag aan die vyandige ontvangs van Lamont se roman (gepubliseer onder 'n skuilnaam), die fisieke aanval op hom en sy ontslag as lektor van die Universiteit van Pretoria. Hoofstuk VIII, "The Rhetoric of Revenge in Lamont's Halcyon Days inAfrica", ondersoekhoe die outeur, na hy na Engeland teruggekeer het, sy pen as wapen gebruik het in 'n teenaanval op sy Afrikaanse vyande in Suid-Afrika. Hoofstuk IX, "Stuart Cloete's Portrayal of the Voortrekkers in Turning Wheels", fokus op die uitbeelding van verskeie etniese tipes in sy gallery karakters. Hoofstuk X, "The Controversy over Tumng Wheels", bespreek die vyandige en klaarblyklike georkestreerde reaksie op Cloete se boek, en hoe dit uiteindelik verban is. Hoofstuk XI, "Conclusion: Quod Era! Demonstrandum", bied 'n opsomming van verskei tematiese bevindinge aan, wat deur 'n gedetaileerde ondersoek van die romans opgelewer is.

Canadians have developed a vocabulary of regionalism, a cultural shorthand that divides Canada into easily-described spaces: the Arctic, the Prairies, the Maritimes, and Central Canada, for example. But these artificial divisions obscure the history of edge places whose identity is drawn from more than one region. The region north of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, is a place on the edge of the boreal forest whose self-representations, local history, and memorials draw heavily on a non-prairie identity. There, the past is associated with the forest in contrast to most Canadians' understanding of Saskatchewan as flat, treeless prairie. This dissertation presents the history of the north Prince Albert region within a framework that challenges common Saskatchewan and Canadian stereotypes. Through deep-time place history, layers of historical occupation in the study region can be compared and contrasted to show both change and continuity. Historical interpretations have consistently separated the history of Saskatchewans boreal north and prairie south, as if the two have no history of interchange and connection. Using edge theory, this dissertation argues that historical human occupation in the western interior found success in the combination of prairie and boreal lifeways.<p> First Nations groups from both boreal forest and open plain used the forest edge as a refuge, and to enhance resilience through access to resources from the other ecosystem. Newcomer use of the prairie landscape rebranded the boreal north as a place of natural resources to serve the burgeoning prairie market. The prairies could not be settled if there was not also a nearby and extensive source for what the prairies lacked: timber and fuel. Extensive timber harvesting led to deforestation and the rise of agriculture built on the rhetoric of mixed farming, not King Wheat. The mixed farming movement tied to landscape underscored the massive internal migrations from the open prairies to the parkland and forest edge.<p> Soldier settlement, long viewed as a failure, experienced success in the north Prince Albert region and gave a model for future extensive government-supported land settlement schemes. South-to-north migration during the 1920s was based on a combination of push and pull factors: drought in the Palliser Triangle; and a strengthening northern economy built on cordwood, commercial fishing, freighting, prospecting and fur harvesting, as well as mixed farming. The economy at the forest edge supported occupational pluralism, drawing subsistence from both farm and forest, reflecting the First Nations model. As tourism grew to prominence, the Saskatchewan dual identity of prairie/forest led to the re-creation of the north Prince Albert region as a new vacationland, the Playground of the Prairies. The northern forest edge drew thousands of migrants during the Great Depression. Historical analysis has consistently interpreted this movement as frantic, a reactionary idea without precedent. Through a deep-time analysis, the Depression migrations are viewed through a new lens. The forest edge was a historic place of both economic and cultural refuge and resilience predicated on the Saskatchewan contrast of north and south.

Canadians have developed a vocabulary of regionalism, a cultural shorthand that divides Canada into easily-described spaces: the Arctic, the Prairies, the Maritimes, and Central Canada, for example. But these artificial divisions obscure the history of edge places whose identity is drawn from more than one region. The region north of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, is a place on the edge of the boreal forest whose self-representations, local history, and memorials draw heavily on a non-prairie identity. There, the past is associated with the forest in contrast to most Canadians' understanding of Saskatchewan as flat, treeless prairie. This dissertation presents the history of the north Prince Albert region within a framework that challenges common Saskatchewan and Canadian stereotypes. Through deep-time place history, layers of historical occupation in the study region can be compared and contrasted to show both change and continuity. Historical interpretations have consistently separated the history of Saskatchewans boreal north and prairie south, as if the two have no history of interchange and connection. Using edge theory, this dissertation argues that historical human occupation in the western interior found success in the combination of prairie and boreal lifeways.<p> First Nations groups from both boreal forest and open plain used the forest edge as a refuge, and to enhance resilience through access to resources from the other ecosystem. Newcomer use of the prairie landscape rebranded the boreal north as a place of natural resources to serve the burgeoning prairie market. The prairies could not be settled if there was not also a nearby and extensive source for what the prairies lacked: timber and fuel. Extensive timber harvesting led to deforestation and the rise of agriculture built on the rhetoric of mixed farming, not King Wheat. The mixed farming movement tied to landscape underscored the massive internal migrations from the open prairies to the parkland and forest edge.<p> Soldier settlement, long viewed as a failure, experienced success in the north Prince Albert region and gave a model for future extensive government-supported land settlement schemes. South-to-north migration during the 1920s was based on a combination of push and pull factors: drought in the Palliser Triangle; and a strengthening northern economy built on cordwood, commercial fishing, freighting, prospecting and fur harvesting, as well as mixed farming. The economy at the forest edge supported occupational pluralism, drawing subsistence from both farm and forest, reflecting the First Nations model. As tourism grew to prominence, the Saskatchewan dual identity of prairie/forest led to the re-creation of the north Prince Albert region as a new vacationland, the Playground of the Prairies. The northern forest edge drew thousands of migrants during the Great Depression. Historical analysis has consistently interpreted this movement as frantic, a reactionary idea without precedent. Through a deep-time analysis, the Depression migrations are viewed through a new lens. The forest edge was a historic place of both economic and cultural refuge and resilience predicated on the Saskatchewan contrast of north and south.