There is a tendency in Vancouver, British Columbia (BC), to racialize and criminalize recently-arrived minorities. This acts as a barrier to successful integration between newcomers and host groups. The difficulties inherent in these processes have been exacerbated for Vietnamese settlers through the prominence they gained in the media and public discourse during the Allied War in Vietnam, Operation Babylift and the Private Sponsorship Programme. Through interviews and discourse analysis, I have come to believe that the framing of Vietnamese 'refugee' bodies has provided an extraordinary venue for Canada to produce, naturalize and reify the settler nation as humanitarian, compassionate, enlightened, unified and permanent - as more than we truly are - in a collective forgetting of the less press-worthy of our flaws. This discursive strategy intersects and overdetermines the hi/multicultural settler state while also threatening to undermine it. Thus, to a certain extent, Vietnamese (and other) refugee bodies resignify from receptive, when/where the public is in favour of refugee sponsorship, to criminal, when/where they are not. This discursive 'risky refugee' rides the contradictions of liberal humanitarianism, marginalizing the formerly welcomed and undermining the political will to support the refugee process. There are strong interests in the Lower Mainland of BC who work tirelessly to sponsor and support refugees, despite this fickle nature of self-serving public opinion, pressuring the government to live up to its myth. Meanwhile, Vietnamese people in Vancouver, in general, have struggled and fought to rid themselves of the myths created through pejorative racialization and criminalization. My position in this thesis is that we need to relax this space of very constricted possibilities for negotiations around identity and space, acknowledging refugees as more than just under-educated, potentiallydiseased and probably-criminal Others. Suggestions, in the final chapter, come directly from interview material, as all study participants have had at least 20 years of refugee support and advocacy. The more general conclusion, from theoretical, operational and epistemological perspectives, is that we should work through all our diverse vulnerabilities to re-imagine a multiculturalism more expansive than inclusive. I hope my thesis will challenge the shaky short-term humanitarianism of the liberal state, encouraging a more stable and genuine commitment to refugee support / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

(in English): The diploma thesis deals with the activities of Czech Caritas organizations in the field of humanitarian assistance and development cooperation abroad. The aim of the work is to explore the possibilities and limits of transferring and sharing "good practice". The work consists of a theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part is structured in three main chapters, which deal with humanitarian aid and development cooperation topics, describe the selected Czech Caritas organizations and define "good practice". The practical part consists of a descriptive research of the selected Czech Caritas organizations activities in the field of humanitarian assistance and development cooperation abroad executed between 2000 and 2016 and qualitative research of employee's approaches to mutual sharing of "good practice". Research questions are answered by combining questionnaire survey and interviews which are conducted with the help of the manual. The main results of this thesis is a summary table containing descriptions of activities in the field of humanitarian assistance and development cooperation abroad and presentation of employee's attitudes to "good practice" and its sharing.

Thesis (M. Dev. (Development in Planning and Management)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / Since transition from the system of apartheid to democratic rule, South Africa became the destination for many migrants and refugees from across the African continent. Many children are travelling alone or become separated from their care givers or parents once they reach the country. The migration of residents of other African countries, particularly Zimbabwe, into the Limpopo province has resulted in the increase in the number of unaccompanied minors within the province, in Polokwane and the child protection system, and it requires collaborative intervention. The child protection system, particularly in the Child and Youth Care Centres, has unaccompanied minors who remain in the system for more than the stipulated time in relation to the Children’s Act 38 of 2005. The aim of the study was to explore the challenges faced by social workers in managing the cases of unaccompanied minors in Child and Youth Care Centers in Polokwane. This study employed a qualitative case study research design and one-on-one interview as a primary data collection method. The qualitative data was analysed using a thematic approach. The findings of this study indicate that most of unaccompanied minors were in dire situation and lack proper documentation. The findings also revealed that there were a number of critical child protection challenges that existed in the management of the cases of unaccompanied minors by government officials. The study further highlighted that social workers were not adequately capacitated and there was lack of intersectoral collaboration and insufficient resources to deal with the multiple issues that affect unaccompanied minors in Polokwane. It is therefore recommended that the social worker should also be capacitated regarding different items of legislation that deal with unaccompanied and foreign children in order to ensure proper implementation of the Acts. Department of Social Development must also popularise and provide training to social workers and all relevant stakeholders on the guidelines on separated and unaccompanied minors living outside their country of origin. DSD should make an amendment of the Children’s Act to include unaccompanied minors and also ensure that all stakeholders are trained. The researcher also recommends coordination of service among government departments in order to ensure an effective and integrated child protection system

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study demonstrates application of the demand/supply model that derives from the three failures theory to the study of partnership effectiveness, showing that effective partnership is a partnership that provides each partner with assets that help them spend fewer resources on achieving their goals than when working alone, by compensating for each other's weaknesses while maximizing their own strengths. The study uses public-private partnership (PPP) in humanitarian settings as a unique opportunity to investigate partnership as a process and contribute to a nascent collaboration theory. The study shows that factors that define effective PPP during different stages of disaster relief are similar. However, different stages of partnership require different levels of compensation mechanisms from partnership participants to ensure that both actors maximize their strengths while achieving their missions. As a result, different stages of partnership call upon different combinations and degrees of factors affecting partnership effectiveness. This research uses descriptive data and inferential analysis, based on interviews with 10 representatives of humanitarian agencies that partner with the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection Office. It gives scholars and practitioners of philanthropy insights into the question: "how to give?" It also provides collaboration research and public policy with guidance on how to create stronger partnerships and increase the likelihood of better collaboration outcomes as well as how to better deal with hazards in order to mitigate disaster outbreaks.

This document outlines the foundation and first year results of the H.E.L.P. Honduras organization, which was formed as a student-based, student-governed international outreach initiative at the Marriott School of Management at Brigham Young University. Specifically, in its first year the organization focused on providing microcredit and service relief to victims of Hurricane Mitch in Honduras.After studying the case of H.E.L.P. Honduras, readers should conclude that educators interested in sponsoring sustainable student-run service learning organizations at private universities must address three primary issues: the problem of student selection and turnover, the need for administrative and faculty endorsement, and the need for sustainable internally-generated funds.This document outlines how the H.E.L.P. organization has changed in the three years since its inception, and it provides tactical suggestions meant to guide all parties interested in replicating the H.E.L.P. model. It also contains suggestions on how the current teaching and implementation model could more closely match with the basic tenets of service learning.After reading the following information and reviewing related literature, readers should conclude that at private universities, such as Brigham Young University, students and faculty interested in managing student-based initiatives need to take more time to build support across their institution. They also need to improve the process of student selection, find sustainable sources of funds, and tightly ground their work in the basic tenets of service learning.

Cash assistance has emerged as a vital tool for supporting household recovery in Nepal after multiple disasters, including the 2015 earthquake, 2018 drought, and COVID-19 pandemic. This research engages with organizational learning theory to explore how cash programs evolved overtime and identify the challenges and opportunities encountered in program implementation. Using semi-structured interviews, I recorded the experiences of individuals from NGOs, INGOs, and donor agencies involved in managing these programs in Nepal. While initial skepticism from the government, limited resources, and beneficiaries' lack of access to financial institutions presented obstacles, cash programs empowered individuals to meet their needs and revitalized local economies. The research identifies that technological integration, use of market analysis, and collaboration with financial institutions as evidence of learning from past programs to inform new programs; however, government resistance remained a barrier. Interview participants emphasized the importance of collaboration, innovation, and adaptation to improve future cash programs and, build a more resilient Nepal that is better prepared for future disasters.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The Navy has to choose the number of, and designs for, ships in the Combat Logistics Force (CLF), and then plan how to use them to provide logistical support to our Carrier Strike Groups, Expeditionary Strike Groups, and Seabasing platforms engaged in any variety of worldwide conflicts. CLF ships are very expensive to build and equip and our budget is limited --- we need to make sure the ships we buy and the way we integrate these with our CLF fleet can continue to provide the flexible support our Navy requires. We introduce a decision support tool using a global sea route and resupply base model, and a daily time resolution optimization of CLF ship activities to support any complete, worldwide scenario. Our result is an optimal, face-valid daily operational logistics plan - a schedule of evolutions for each available CLF ship. We discover exactly how to use CLF ships to support a notional, but particularly relevant, preemptive combat scenario with follow-on humanitarian assistance missions. Finally, we study how changing CLF ship numbers and missions can enhance operational effectiveness. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

According to the 2005 Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey, HIV prevalence in Gambella region where Fugnido refugee camp is located is 6%, which is the highest prevalence data recorded in the country. Similarly, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Health Information System (HIS) demonstrates that Fugnido has the highest HIV prevalence compared to other refugee camps in Ethiopia and furthermore shows variation in prevalence among the two main ethnic groups in the camp, namely Agnuak and Nuer (about 8.5% and 2.3% respectively). The study seeks to investigate why a significant difference exists in the number of people with known HIV positive status among the Agnuak community compared to the Nuer community in the Fugnido refugee camp in Ethiopia. It does this by investigating factors that are presumed to explain HIV high risk-behaviour and vulnerability. This was a cross-sectional study of Agnuak and Nuer tribes living at the Fugnido refugee camp. The sampled population involved men and women refugees from the ages of 15 to 49 years. The study used a mixed method approach or methodological triangulation. Cluster sampling technique was used for the quantitative data collection. The sample size was 831 refugees (439 Agnuak and 390 Nuer). Seven (7) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and 3 Key Informant (KI) interviews was used for the qualitative data collection. Findings show that the Agnuak were almost 4 times (OR=3.8, 95% CI [1.9-7.4] p < 0.05) more likely to practice risky behaviour compared to 0.3 times (OR=0.3, 95% CI [0.1- 0.9] p < 0.05) likelihood among the Nuer refugees. Factors associated with differences in risky behaviour for both Agnuak and Nuer included, inter alia, primary education as the highest level of education attained, 50% among the Agnuak (OR=0.5, 95% CI [0.3-0.8] p < 0.05), compared to Nuer community’s 30% (OR=0.3, 95% CI [0.2-0.6] p < 0.05). Access to HIV and voluntary counselling and testing (VCT) services was lower for the Agnuak (OR=1.8, 95% CI [1.1-2.9] p < 0.05) compared to the Nuer (OR=2.9, 95% CI [1.6-5.1] p < 0.05). Unlike the Nuer refugees, the Agnuak refugees who had experienced forced sex (OR=7.3, 95% CI [2.9-18.8] p < 0.05) and had a positive attitude (lack of or reduced stigma) towards HIV (OR=2.1, 95% CI [1.3-3.7] p < 0.05) were more positively associated with risky 6 behaviour (than the Nuer). The Nuer had no factor associated with risky behaviour that was different from that of the Agnuak. The study revealed more Agnuak refugees than Nuer refugees had been engaged in risky sexual behaviour by having multiple sex partners and being involved in transactional sex. The Nuer was more closed and reserved to having sexual relations outside of their group than the Agnuak were which contributed to their relatively lower HIV prevalence. Furthermore, there was very low condom use among the Nuer community compared to the Agnuak community, which was based on differential attitudes between the two communities concerning trust of partner and monogamous relations. The study findings recommend that humanitarian workers and community partners need to collaborate to develop congruent HIV interventions that go beyond traditional strategies of distributing condoms and focus on correct and consistent use of condoms in the camp. Humanitarian and community workers’ understanding the socioeconomic context of the communities and the influence of cultural and other factors, including behaviour with intervention strategies,could also curb the epidemic. / Sociology / M.A. (Sociology)

The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).

This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.