The purpose of this Master’s thesis is to examine the portrayals of class in four Swedish contemporary novels that have been mentioned as working class literature in the literary public sphere. During the 20th century, society has undergone vast changes due to globalization and technology development. The rise in standards of living for most people in the Western societies has led to changed consumption patterns. In consequence, there has been increased emphasis given to cultural rather than materialist explanations of social stratification. The theoretical approach of this study is based on class theories that emphasize either materialist or cultural explanations of social stratification. The methodology used is based on the analysis of ideas. In order to examine the portrayals of class in the four novels, an analysis scheme has been constructed on the bases of theories of Marx, Weber, Bourdieu and Giddens. The ideal types used are as follows: Economic capital, Cultural capital, Class in itself – class for itself, Production, exploitation, profit, Consumption, lifestyles, taste, Status and Societal change. The study argues that in spite of the fact that cultural conditions such as cultural capital and consumption patterns are evident markers of class belonging, the determining factor for class belonging is economic conditions, especially for the underclass. It also argues that the main purpose of contemporary working class literature is to criticize the class society and social inequity. Another central theme is societal change and how this affects working life and social stratification. The novels are permeated with the dichotomies we – they and power – powerlessness. There is a pessimistic picture of society that appears in the novels, where solidarity has disappeared and the characters express feelings of resignation and despair. / Uppsatsnivå: D

Ce travail s'interroge sur l'irruption du complexe qu'est la Grande Mosquée Hassan II (inaugurée en 1993) à Casablanca (la cité), en tant que monument intentionnel contemporain (défini comme une des plus Grandes Mosquées du monde). Un complexe qui s'est soudainement imposé dans le paysage de la ville, jusqu'à interférer de manière hégémonique dans le projet (urbain) de la métropole marocaine. Il appréhende la conception du " projet urbain " et les processus de territorialisation à l'aune de la monumentalité et de l'espace du sacré. La production projectuelle de la ville est saisie (suivant une démarche initiée par M. Lussault) par rapport aux systèmes de représentation que cette production interpelle. Les travaux d'A. Turco relatifs à la " théorie géographique de la complexité " (1988) ont orienté la recherche vers l'analyse des processus de territorialisation. La démarche articule une problématique de géographie urbaine et un questionnement sur le fait de savoir comment le religieux intervient pour qualifier le territoire, faisant de celui-ci un enjeu de nature urbanistique et un référent de la mise en scène d'une légitimité politique. L'hypothèse principale est que la construction de la Grande Mosquée, voulue par feu le Roi Hassan II, parce qu'elle s'inscrit dans un double système d'héritage -le premier faisant référence à la fois à l'islam (voire au modèle idéel de la " ville musulmane ") et à la tradition dynastique ; le second à " la tradition de modernité " qui caractérise cette métropole -, engage un processus de reconversion symbolique du projet urbain de Casablanca. Une telle reconversion est à saisir, à la fois, comme un acte idéel de re-connotation religieuse, sous le signe de l'islam, d'une ville réputée " profane " -du fait de l'héritage qui lui provient de son passé colonial-, et comme la transition vers un nouvel ordre urbain, lequel est explicité par l'émergence d'un dessein urbanistique polarisé sur la Grande Mosquée.

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This study examines how cultural journalists in Sweden represented the Danish poet Yahya Hassan from when his first collection of poems was published until the year before his death. In 2013 the Danish-Palestinian poet published his first collection of poems which sold over 100 000 copies, which makes him the most sold debutant in Denmark. In conjunction with the debut a debate occurred in both Denmark and Sweden surrounding the poet and his work. Critical voices in Sweden said the poet contributed to a hostile discourse regarding the muslim community while others tributed the poet and his works arguing the literary artefact was of extaordinary excellence. Previous research about cultural journalism suggests the cultural pages contributes to the political discourse in society and that it is an undervalued form of journalism which needs further investigation to clearly untangle the impact cultural journalism possesses. This study uses qualitative content analysis and the studied material contains 18 articles published in the cultural section of four of Sweden's largest newspapers; Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. The purpose of this study was to analyze how cultural journalists represented, and possibly stereotyped, Yahya Hassan. The study also aimed to disentangle the infected debate of work and person, which has arised in the later years, using Yahya Hassan as subject. This was achieved with the theoretical basis of representation theory, stereotyping, mythologising, and Roland Barthes and Michel Foucalts reasoning regarding work and person. The results show that cultural journalists in Sweden represented Yahya Hassan based on three main themes: savage vs talent, the critics' relationship with the literary artifact and the literary artifact is the person. The journalists did not separate the person from the work, these were rather intertwined with each other. The journalists stereotyped the poet as an ‘immigrant from a criminal suburban area’ and also mythologised the poet. The articles where the literary artifact was in somewhat main focus the tone was overall more positive, while in the articles where the person Yahya Hassan was the main focus the tone was more negative.

The General theory of Relativity was first introduced by Albert Einstein. There have been many attempts to unify General Relativity with the Standard Model of Physics and many of these try to do so by modifying General Relativity slightly. One way to do this is to add a mass to the graviton. Such a theory was proposed by Fierz and Pauli. However, a massive gravity theory suffers from the vDvZ discontinuty where taking the masss of the graviton to zero does not reproduce the results of General Relativity exactly. This can, to some extent, be resolved via the Vainshtein mechanism, where General Relativity can be reproduced within a certain radius from a source, called the Vainshtein radius. Another modification that can be imagined, is to add a second metric. However, doing this results in extra degrees of freedom which manifest as a Boulaware Deser ghost. The bimetric action which avoids the Boulaware Deser ghost was first introduced by Hassan and Rosen in 2011. In this theory, only one of the metrics couples to standard model matter to avoid the ghost. In this scenario, the propagating massless and massive spin-2 modes turn out to be linear combinations of the two metrics, just as in neutrino mixings. In this thesis, we review some works which investigate the oscillations between the massless and massive modes and the implications for gravitational waves. In particular we consider the bounds on the parameters of the theory based on the fact that evidence for such oscillations have not been observed by LIGO. We use a new LIGO result to extend these bounds. We also review an investigation which explores the possibility that the dark matter particle could be the massive particle of bimetric gravity. / Den allmänna relativitetsteorin introducerades först av Albert Einstein.Många har försökt förena allmän relativitetsteori med partikelfysikensstandardmodell och många av dessa försök gör detta genom att lägga tillen massa för gravitonen. En sådan teori föreslogs av Fierz och Pauli.Massiv gravitation lider dock av vDvZ-diskontinuiteten där gränsen närgravitonmassan går mot noll inte reproducerar allmän relativitetsteori.Detta kan, till viss del, lösas genom Vainshteinmekanismen, där allmänrelativitetsteori kan reproduceras inom ett visst avstånd från källan,kallat Vainshteinradien. En annan modifikation som kan komma på fråga äratt lägga till en andra metrik. Att göra detta leder dock till nyafrihetsgrader som yttrar sig som ett Boulaware-Deser-spöke. Denbimetriska verkan som undviker Boulaware-Deser-spöket introduceradesförst av Hassan och Rosen år 2011. I denna teori kopplar enbart en avmetrikerna till standardmodellen vilket gör att spöket kan undvikas. Idetta scenario visar sig det masslösa och det massivapropagationsegentillstånden vara linjärkombinationer av de tvåmetrikerna i analogi med neutrinoblandning. I detta arbete går vi igenomnågra arbete som undersöker oscillationerna mellan de två metrikerna ochimplikationerna för gravitationsvågor. Speciellt kommer vi att betraktade begränsningar som finns på teoriparametrarna baserat på det faktumatt LIGO inte observerat några bevis för sådana oscillationer. Vianvänder också nya LIGO-resultat för att utöka dessa begränsningar. Vidiskutera också möjligheten att mörk materia skulle kunna bestå av denmassiva gravitonen i bimetrisk gravitation.

Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ? / Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?

[pt] O presente trabalho acadêmico buscou analisar o pensamento e a proposta de reforma das sociedades muçulmanas feita pelo intelectual islâmico, Hassan al Banna. Estas se encontravam divididas e enfraquecidas por causa da ignorância em relação a sua própria religião, o Islam; e também pela dominação e influência do Ocidente, especificamente a Europa colonizadora. Abordamos a formação e a trajetória intelectual de al Banna, particularmente, sua experiência na organização conhecida por os Irmãos Muçulmanos ( al Ikhwan al Muslimin), o qual conta nos dias de hoje com milhões de membros ou simpatizantes e se estende pelo mundo muçulmano. / [en] This academic work seeks to analyze the thinking and the proposed reform of muslim societies made by the islamic intellectual, Hassan al-Banna. These were divided and weakened because of ignorance of their own religion, Islam; and also by the domination and influence of the West, specifically the colonizing Europe. Approach to training and intellectual history of al Banna, particularly his experience in the organization known as the Muslim Brotherhood (al Ikhwan al Muslimin), which counts nowadays with millions of members and supporters and extends worldwide Muslim.

The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how sectarian tensions can be harnessed, nourished and spread in Lebanon. It does so through a case study on the speech delivered by Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, on 18 October 2021, where he accused the Christian party, and former militia, the Lebanese Forces for killing seven Shia Muslims in a protest four days earlier. More specifically, this thesis is a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis with the aim to examine how we can understand the discourse on Christians and how that discourse is shaped through Nasrallah’s framing of himself, Hezbollah and the Lebanese Forces. With conspiracist elements, Nasrallah creates a dichotomy of us and them where them is the threat that also helps to define what is us. It is a highly polarizing speech, where he frames the Lebanese Forces as a political enemy and a threatful organization without morals that wants to sow division and create a civil war in Lebanon. In contrast, Nasrallah depicts Christians as part of a larger us that wants peace and stability. However, within the us, Christians are depicted as exposed, vulnerable and in need of protection which stands in contrast to Hezbollah that is immensely strong and can protect Christians. Meanwhile, he encourages and mobilizes Christians to act against the Lebanese Forces. Thus, despite a rhetoric about unity among Christians and Muslims, the main finding of this thesis is that Nasrallah seeks support from Christians by spurring sectarian tensions and sowing division within the Christian camp, with the goal to gain power.

In 2000, Iraqi-born film director, poet and author Hassan Blasim fled Iraq to escape persecution for his films on the forced migration of Kurds by Saddam Hussein's regime. After travelling through Europe for four years, he was granted asylum in Finland. It was in Europe that many of his short stories were published, including Majnūn Sāḥat Al-ḥurrīya (2015) which offers a haunting critique of the war and post-war experiences of migrants fleeing Iraq and settling in Europe. This thesis is an investigation of how the migrant figure is dehumanised during the migration trajectory from displacement to integration through three of the short stories in Hassan Blasim’s Majnūn Sāḥat Al-ḥurrīya: Šāḥinat Barlīn (The Truck to Berlin), Al-ʾaršīf Wa-al-wāqiʿ (The Reality and the Record) and Kawābīs Kārlūs Fuwantis (The Nightmares of Carlos Fuentes). This thesis uses close reading in order to highlight how the migrants in these short stories are depicted as ingenuine asylum claimants who cheat and perform to gain entry to the West and as terrorists or animals who are a threat to the cultural norms of the receiving nations. In this thesis, it is argued that it is these depictions and assumptions which lead to their negative treatment and societal rejection.