World Social Forum, and the worldwide appearance of regional, national and local Social Forums (SF), is an important part of the movement for global justice. The aim of this thesis is to explore how the SF as a global phenomenon is interpreted and staged locally in Sweden. Central questions are: What local meanings are given to the SF phenomenon when it is introduced and organized in a local context? What relations are created between the various actors in this organizational process in terms of coalitions and power relations? How do the SFs relate to the Swedish institutionalized popular adult education? These questions are explored in the four articles on which this thesis rests. Ethnographic field studies of local organizational processes constitute the empirical basis of theoretically informed hermeneutic interpretations. A neo-gramscian perspective is used to analyze the SF as a potentially counter-hegemonic popular education phenomenon. This perspective has been complemented by mainly two theoretical concepts, that is, framing and symbolic capital. Results demonstrate how the emergence of SFs in Sweden is characterized by a widespread desire among various activists and organizations to build coalitions. In the establishment of SFs the institutionalized popular adult education play both the role of a source of economic and material resources and of being a link between various organizations. However, in the wide and formally open organizational process, specific distinctions and hierarchies arise that might neutralize the SF’s ideological impact and its potential for counter-hegemonic coalition construction. Finally, a Swedish academic debate on the concept of “folkbildning” (popular adult education) is addressed. It is argued that there is a need to widen the scope of this debate to more frequently focus on global (popular) educational phenomena (such as the social forums) in research on “folkbildning”, and not only pay attention to “typical” national or Nordic institutions and traditions.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utifrån teorier om hegemonisk maskulinitet och homosocialitet studera hur normer för maskulinitet reproduceras i tre svenska populära podcasts. Uppsatsen innehåller tre frågeställningar som är följande: Hur förhandlas maskulinitetsnormer hos Alex & Sigge, Filip & Fredrik och Luuk & Lokko?, genom vilka rollprestationer upprätthålls eller omförhandlas normer för hegemoniska maskulinitetsideal? och vad innehåller dessa podcasts för specifika strukturer och hur återfinns maskuliniteter i detta innehåll? Mitt teoretiska och analytiska perspektiv grundar sig i forskning om maskulinitetsprocesser och hegemonisk maskulinitet. Vidare utvecklar jag mitt teoretiska ramverk med genreteoretiska anknytningar där den ideologiska funktionen inom dessa blir central. Analysen består av samtalscitat från mitt material där jag transkriberat relevanta delar för att kunna gå nära texten. Ut efter tematiseringar grundade på huvudpersonernas relationer till varandra och till personer utanför texten analyserar jag sedan mitt material i två delar. Maskuliniteten konstrueras i och med olika rollprestationer som huvudpersonerna sätter i spel gentemot varandra och andra. Dessa rollprestationer blir talande i min analys och bidrar till min slutdiskussion. Sammanfattningsvis avslutar jag med en slutdiskussion där jag anknyter till mitt teoretiska ramverk och diskuterar vilka maskulinitetsnormer som är rådande inom min text. Jag lyfter även det teoretiska perspektivet till en större samhällelig kontext i och med att jag anser att maskulinitetsnormer ingår i ideologiska strukturer i samhället. / The purpose of this paper is: based on theories of hegemonic masculinity and homosociality to, study how masculinity is reproduced in three popular Swedish podcasts. The paper contains three research questions: Which values around masculinity exists and is represented in the three podcasts that I have chosen? How is masculinity represented based on defined performances of Alex & Sigge, Filip & Fredrik and Luuk & Lokko? What content does these podcasts have and which specific structures around masculinity is found in this content? My theoretical and analytical perspectives are based on research in masculinity representations and hegemonic masculinity. Furthermore, I develop my theoretical framework with genre theories, where the ideological functions of these become central. The analysis consists of conversation quotes from my material, which I transcribed the relevant parts in order to get close to the text. I have thematically constructed two levels of analysis based on the characters' relationships to each other and to the persons outside the text. Masculinity is constructed with various performances by the main characters put in play against each other and others. These performances will be critical in my analysis and contribute to my final discussion. In the chapter called conclusion I end with a final discussion, in which I relate to my theoretical framework, and discuss which masculinity values that are present in my text. I also broaden my theoretical perspective to a larger social context, in that I believe masculinity norms are included in the ideological structures of society.

The impact of the World Depression of 1929 and the 2nd World War on many developing countries has been significant in terms of economic and political changes. Among the important transformations, changes in accumulation models, political discourses, balance of class forces and/or political regimes can be mentioned. The main objective of this thesis is to undertake a critical review of the debates centring on the concept of populism in Latin America as well as in Turkey so as to account for these changes. The predominant tendency in these debates has been to establish a correlation between populist policies and/or import substitution industrialisation strategy. In this study it is argued that, the line of thought which tried to analyse the developments in Argentina and Brazil as well as in Turkey from 1929 until the 1980s on the basis of such a correlation does not provide an adequate explanation. Instead, it is proposed that the concept of populism can enhance our understanding to the extent that it is conceived as a hegemonic project.

The aim of this study has been to examine, describe and analyze how masculinities can be represented and understood among boys in a Swedish primary school context. The study was conducted within a school located in a small community on the country side. Through the use of a qualitative research design we interviewed 13 boys from the fifth grade of this school, who all got to express and reason their perspectives of what it meant to them to be a boy in primary school and how that could impact their social life. For a wider understanding of the different dimensions of masculinity we used R.W. Connell's (2008) theoretical framework, hegemonic masculinity, which implies that there are multiple definitions of masculinities that are constructed in relation to each other in a hierarchical order. Hereby every man is positioned in a hierarchical order depending on to which degree he embodies the ideal conceptions of how a man should be within the specific context. These ideal conceptions are further more constantly changing and therefore alter through both time and space. The results of this study could show that ideals more commonly related to the concept of being a man from a regional perspective in society also could be found in the specific and local school context. In line with previous studies, this research could also indicate that boys who deviate to far from the existing ideal conceptions of how a boy should be, was combined with a much greater risk of being excluded from the fellowship among the boys in the class. This was made identifiably distinctive in cases where boys surpassed the masculine ideals and instead practiced such ideals that were more commonly associated with girls. The study could also show that in order to reach a high level of status as a boy in school seemed to imply that you had to adapt to the norms being set by the dominating group. This concludes that the dominating group of boys in the class also, to a high degree, was in power of controlling and changing the ideals that all the other boys then in some ways had to relate to.

The aim of the study has been to examine how young men from Stockholm construct "Masculinity". This has been done by examining what men think is an ”ideal man”, what "makes a man a man", which expectations they meet as men and how the life of a man differs from the life of a woman. This has been examined through three semi-structured group interviews with the total of ten men. The results have been analysed with Raewyn Connells Theory of Masculinities, the idea of “Doing Gender” by Candace West and Don. H Zimmerman and the "Conception of Homosociality" described by Jari Kuosmanen and Karin Holmberg. R. Connell’s Theory of Masculinities provides a description of the “Ideal Man” and reveals what men think "makes a man" along with which expectations a man can meet. Our results show that men have clear opinions of how an "ideal man" should be,  thus reinforcing the construct of masculinity as described by Connells. Furthermore results indicate that men can see more benefits to being a man than a woman. This can be explained by the fact that men value what men do more than what women do, which can affect the equality between the sexes.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate the subject field of male vegans and masculinities through empirical method interviews and narrative analysis. The starting-point for this essay is animal ethics, feminist ethic vegetarianism and theories that suggest that eating meat is one part of the social construction of masculinities. The problem formulation is such as follows: How do male vegans construct masculinity? In an attempt to answer such a question there are three problem formulations: What do male vegans think about the connection between manhood and eating meat? How do male vegans relate to the norms in society? What do male vegans think of stereotype conceptions about vegans? I will come to the conclusion that male vegans think that eating meat, as well as drinking beer, is one part of the social construction of masculinities. Male vegans are aware of norms in the surroundings and the strong attachment of meat normativity in the western culture. They are also conscious about the stereotype conceptions about vegans, which affect how they talk about and perform their own veganism.

This thesis explores the role the U.S. plays in the developmental process of international nonproliferation regime. The argument of this thesis is mainly based on the power-based perspective, which assumes that the U.S., the first country to obtain nuclear technology, profoundly influences the creation and persistence of the nonproliferation regime. First of all, I discuss the debate on the theories of international regime in order to highlight the applicability of power-based approach in the research of nonproliferation regime. Secondly, I examine both the nuclear policy of the U.S. and the developmental history of nonproliferation regime, so as to explain the former¡¦s impacts over the latter. Finally, I evaluate the different means and postures of the U.S. when she confronts different violators. Through this inquiry, I attempt to expose the flaw of the nonproliferation regime: the proliferation problem is still not totally suspended even after the establishment of the nonproliferation regime. The main factor of the flaw is, nonetheless, resulted from the U.S.¡¦ misapplication of her nuclear hegemonic power and her selective proliferation policy towards different violators, although she had positively contributed to the creation and persistence of the nonproliferation regime.

This study has three main objectives. First, it provides a theoretical framework that challenges the mainstream approaches to allow for a new reading of the Cyprus Question. Second, it identifies continuities, transformations and tendencies within different historical periods by analyzing the positions of the various actors and the international conjecture in order to offer a correct reading of all previous settlement proposals and indicate the basis on which perceptions and policies were constructed and why the latter failed repeatedly to resolve the Cyprus issue. Continuities are those factors that created the continuum of the crisis and were concretely reflected in the successive failures of different peace talks, plans and initiatives / examining these means analyzing the hegemonic projects of the various actors involved. Examining transformations means looking specifically at how and why these hegemonic projects changed. Examining tendencies means pointing out the latest developments such as accumulated sovereignty, shared sovereignty as protectorate, Taiwan Model, return to 1960, integration through class strategy and independent TRNC and exploring the logical consequences of developments. Third, this study focuses on the European Union&rsquo / s hegemonic projects related to Cyprus &ndash / how they emerged, the relationship between these projects and the domestic and international political conjectures, their aspects of continuity and reasons for transformation and their successes and failures. This thesis argues that all the previous plans and initiatives by international and local actors, latest being the EU-initiated Annan Plan, led not only to failure, but transformed the Cyprus Question from one paradigm to another.

This thesis attempts to analyze the European Neighbourhood Policy from a Neo-Gramscian perspective, mapping transnational power relations in Europe and identifying the historical-specific articulations between economic, political and (civil) societal processes in the specific case of Ukraine. Thus the thesis attempts to show how the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project is formed and applied, it also explores whether there are redefinitions of the EU hegemonic project and ask whether it is sustainable or not. It is contended that the European Commission&rsquo / s neo-liberal strategy is designed to transform the region into a space in which the free flow of capital, goods and services is secured, but the free movement of people is heavily restricted, and no commitment is made towards full membership for its partners. In fact, this study explores whether or not the ENP as a hegemonic project is likely to establish an historic bloc / whether the ENP is sustainable or not with the consent of its partners. This study focuses on social power relations and their organisation and articulation within the structures of the state/civil-societal complex at the national and transnational levels in order to analyse the degree and manner of both coercion and consent given to the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project, which in turn will allow for an assessment of the project&rsquo / s likelihood of success. The EU&rsquo / s general strategy towards its neighbours is shown to be a hegemonic project spearheaded by an intellectual and moral leadership directed by conflicting political and cultural agents and organisations.

This study aims at understanding the discursiveness of T&uuml / rk-Is, Hak-Is and DISK against the neoliberal policies textually and discursively shaped by the governments and employers in the years between 1980 and 2003 in Turkey. In this sense, Norman Fairclough&#039 / s critical discourse analysis and Laclau and Mouffe&#039 / s discourse theory constitute the theoretical framework of this study. In this theoretical perspective, this study analyzes discourses of the labor confederations in four historical moments called January 24 measures (1980 coup), 1994 crisis, February 28 process and 2001 crisis. In each historical moment, governments and Turkish bourgeoisie have produced new hegemonic discourses and texts in order to construct the actors and circumstances of working life under the influence of the global neoliberal order since 1980. Against this neoliberal construction of working life, texts and counter-discourses of these labor confederations become important in order to understand their hegemonic capacities. In this context, this study portrays the relation among governments, employers and the labor confederations in a hegemonic relation and argues that the hegemonic capacities of these labor confederations could not prevent construction of &#039 / new worker&#039 / as a prototype in the individualization and flexibilization of working life in the post 1980 Turkey.