The role of a political leader often is associated with the emotional attributes of a man, and there is empirical evidence that media coverage reinforces culture-specific emotion display rules for politicians. Feminist communication scholarship also has shown the gendered assumptions manifest in mediated discourses. This dissertation explores the relationship between gender, culture and candidates’ emotionality by examining and comparing news media coverage of the emotional management of Chile’s Michelle Bachelet and the United States’ Hillary Clinton, two female candidates with a viable bid for the presidency in their respective countries. Using a discourse analysis of 1,676 items from national newspapers, news magazines and television newscasts, this study found that cultural differences influence the discursive constructions of these women candidates’ emotionality. In the case of Bachelet, she was deemed as a soft, empathic and ultimately “feminine” candidate who needed to toughen up to convey authority and convince voters that she had the skills, in addition to the charm, to lead a country. In the case of Clinton, she was described mainly as a cold and unsympathetic contender, an unwomanly woman with too much ambition to be likable, and who was portrayed either as fake or frail when being more emotionally open. These mediated discourses suggest the media favored determined understandings for a woman’s place and role, reinforcing socially-shared and culturally-bound meanings about gendered identities. Informed by a feminist theoretical framework, the discussion addresses how these mediated discourses on Bachelet and Clinton illustrate the power of culturally-sanctioned sexism in Chile and the United States to make of gender a restrictive force that keeps women out of the realms of politics and policy. / text

This essay aims to analyze how Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump communicated verbally and non-verbally during the second presidential debate of the 2016 US election. To do this the essay utilizes a method focused on analyzing actio. The essay also analyses main trends in the rhetoric’s of the candidates. To aid the findings from this analysis the essay takes support from theories such as Impression management, footing, face as well as different theories in representation, including stereotypes, gender in politics and the construction of otherness.   The results that the study reached where that very little critic could be raised towards Clinton's actio except for questioning how effective her choice to face the live audience instead of the tv audience was. That only a few major errors could be found in Clinton's actio & her rhetoric as well, was theorized to be due to the stark contrast of her errors against Trump's which many times where a lot worse. The study also found some similarities in how to candidates used similar rhetorical and, to some extent, actio techniques to compel their audience, thou stark differences could be found in the execution of said techniques. Further the study could not point to any definite female or male use of body language, but theorized that this is due to the nature of a political debate and how Clinton might have adapted to the male dominated world of politics. Finally, in the end discussion a speculation was raised that whoever the audience perceived as a “winner” of the debate came down largely to pre-perceived notions of each candidate at least when it came to body language and rhetoric.

許多文獻已經研究過政治事件和外匯市場之間的關聯性。然而，較少研究聚焦在一個國家的政治事件是如何影響另外一個國家的匯率。因此，本文章主要在探討2016美國總統大選如何影響墨西哥幣兌美元的走勢。我們使用EGARCH 模型來衡量美國總統候選人的民調對匯率的平均或波動所造成的影響。實證結果發現美國總統大選會對墨西哥幣兌美元產生較大的波動，希拉蕊的民調增加也會造成墨西哥幣的升值。因此，本文檢驗政治活動會對外匯市場產生影響的假說，也進一步提出實證結果支持一國的匯率會受到他國政治因素牽動的看法。 / Many articles have shown the relationship between political events and currency markets. Nevertheless, few studies provide empirical evidence on how one country’s political elections have impact on movements of exchange rate in other country. In this paper, we attempt to provide some empirical results by analyzing the impact of the 2016 United States presidential election on Mexico’s currency market. We use EGARCH models to estimate the influence of recent U.S. presidential candidates have on the mean and the variance of the Mexican foreign exchange market. We find statistically significant evidence that U.S. presidential election is associated with higher volatility of Mexico’s currency market, and the increase in the chance for a Clinton to win has positive impact on mean return of the peso-dollar exchange rate. These findings offer important insights into the expected impact of the United States presidential elections on the Mexican peso and more generally, the relationship between political events and foreign exchange market.

The focus of this thesis is on cultural translation as a means of understanding the relationship between sociocultural identity with respect to bourgeois white female sexuality and interpretations by news journalists, writers and filmmakers. The thesis brings translation scholar Lawrence Venuti’s description of foreign and domestic texts (2008) into conversation with Catherine Cole’s analysis of journalists as active interpreters of newsworthy events (2010) to support my view of the media as a translator of sociocultural identity. The thesis outlines the construction of bourgeois white femininity within the U.S. imaginary and a more detailed account of its direct impact upon journalistic production and reception. I accomplish this by analyzing the media treatment of two white females accused of murder whose criminal cases were brought into the public eye: Aileen Wuornos and Amanda Knox. I examine sociocultural expectations within the United States, as reflected in journalistic accounts, regarding appropriate ‘performances’ of bourgeois white femininity. Referring to the construction of bourgeois white femininity as a performative framework, I track its fabrication in media headlines, televised reports and articles of the Wuornos and Knox cases from sources like The New Yorker, Time, CNN and Fox News. My aim is to discover the different ideations, or translations, of this performative framework in written journalism and consider the repercussions of deviating from social expectations of bourgeois white womanhood. I then examine documentaries and televised interviews of Wuornos and Knox (from the Discovery Channel, ABC News, Netflix and other sources) where the same performative framework appears within their cinematic depictions. My findings regarding the journalistic translations of bourgeois white femininity reveal a particular form of weaponization of the news media in U.S. society with respect to white women. I extend my discussion to a review of the 2016 presidential election and Democratic party candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton’s own vexing position within the news media as a bourgeois white woman who, throughout the campaign, was accused of criminal activity. By scrutinizing the proliferation of this particular performative framework by the media, I press for more reflective and unbiased journalistic coverage of women in the future.

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The objective of this study is to investigate what type of personalization is more successful in shaping an authentic image of the politician. Two politicians; Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders have been chosen for the study. Hence, the questions that the study seeks to address are; What type of personalization is most successful in shaping an authentic image of Hillary Clinton? and What type of personalization is most successful in shaping an authentic image of Bernie Sanders? The method employed for this study is a survey experiment designed to compare perceived authenticity between the respondents for two different personalization types; privatization and emotionalization. The survey experiment, conducted during November and December 2023, had a total of 102 valid respondents. The data with perceived authenticity for the two personalization types were presented in a bivariate regression analysis. Results reveal that privatization is more successful in shaping an authentic image of Hillary Clinton, particularly among female respondents, indicating gender-based variations. For Bernie Sanders, the study finds no clear preference between privatization and emotionalization overall, but a gender-specific analysis suggests that privatization is more successful among female respondents.

The study of political communication is an old and diverse field, and the media has been proven to have an effect on their readers. The narratives that they create in their reporting can be as damning as they can be auspicious. Therefore, the study of media and how they frame certain events is as important as it has ever been. The democratic primaries in 2016 were certainly an interesting event. Hillary Clinton, the apparent nominee of the party, faced off against Bernie Sanders, who, in America, is something as unusual as a democratic socialist. How were these two polar opposites framed? To find out, a framing analysis was made on New York Times and Washington Post, two of the largest newspapers in the US. The analysis was built around four “events” that were deemed important in the election. 195 articles were analyzed. The methods that were used were both quantitative and qualitative, and the theories of framing (how the media depicts the election) and agenda-setting (what the media deems to be important) were applied. The results showed that the two newspapers did not differentiate all that much from each other, except for a few percent in certain aspects. All in all, the narrative was obvious. Clinton was the candidate that would go on to win the nomination. She was also the most suitable candidate. Bernie Sanders, on the other hand, was framed as the loser and as unsuitable. Though he was consistently framed as having more integrity than his opponent. Clinton was also the candidate that had the biggest focus on her. This was true for all of the events, and in both newspapers. The implications of the study are twofold. First, Sanders was consistently painted in a negative light, which created an undesirable narrative and gave him negative momentum. Secondly, the virtual duplication of the narratives in New York Times and Washington Post suggests that there was some kind of consensus. Either Clinton really was the obvious nominee for the party, or the media hampered Sanders chances to clinch the nomination by depicting him in a negative manner.

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