Esta dissertação tem como primeiro objetivo preparar as edições facsimilar e semidiplomática de atas da Câmara Municipal de Botucatu, datadas de 1858 e 1859. Por ser o trabalho filológico uma atividade multidisciplinar, propomo-nos, também, a levantar alguns aspectos codicológicos e paleográfios do livro no qual estas atas se encontram. Durante a leitura destes documentos, notamos que os diferentes alógrafos dos grafemas s e z, especialmente em posição intervocálica, podem, muitas vezes, proporcionar dificuldades de leitura a pesquisadores preocupados com questões de linguística histórica. Além da variação entre alógrafos, há também a variação no emprego dos grafemas s e z quanto à representação de diferentes fonemas. Baseados na constatação de que s e z apresentam variação quanto à forma e ao fonema que representam, nosso segundo objetivo é examinar, no corpus estudado, ocorrências de alografia de s e z que suscitam maior dificuldade do ponto de vista paleográfico e verificar a variação de uso dos grafemas s e z apenas em posição intervocálica. / The first objective of this dissertation is to prepare both the fac-similar and the semi diplomatic editions of minutes of the municipal council of Botucatu, São Paulo State, which date back to 1858 and 1859. As the philological labor is a multidisciplinary activity, we also propose to raise some codicological and paleographic aspects of the book in which these minutes lie. While reading these documents, we noticed that the different writings of the graphemes s and z, especially in intervocalic position, might, at times, cause difficulties in reading to researchers preoccupied with historic linguistics issues, because the variation, both in writing and use of these letters, is wide. Besides this, there is also variation in the use of the graphemes s and z in representing different phonemes. Based on the finding that s and z present variation both in shape and the phoneme they represent, our second objective is to examine, in our corpus, occurrences of s and z allographs that raise greater paleography difficulties and verify the variation in the use of the graphemes s and z only in intervocalic position.

Este trabalho busca fazer uma contribuição epistemológica para os estudos sobre o nascimento das línguas românicas e sua convivência com o latim. Tal contribuição toma a forma de uma revisão da literatura sobre o assunto à luz de princípios teóricos que encaram as transformações linguísticas como um processo ecológico e evolucionário (Mufwene, 2008). Partindo da concepção de que as línguas são sistemas complexos, dinâmicos e abertos, compostos por idioletos inerentemente variáveis, esta pesquisa examina as maneiras como fatos históricos de natureza política e cultural atuaram como pressões ecológicas para a evolução do latim em direção à especiação dos romances. Em particular, o papel do Renascimento Carolíngio como disparador de um amplo processo de categorização de tais línguas, conforme estudado por Wright (1982), é analisado a partir dessa perspectiva ecoevolucionária. Este trabalho inclui uma comparação da concepção de língua adotada aqui e da análise histórica que ela fundamenta com outras concepções e análises mais correntes, para explicitar algumas das vantagens do posicionamento assumido. A conclusão é que as fronteiras entre as línguas românicas foram fundamentadas sobre a elaboração de uma percepção metalinguística, embora as maneiras vastamente variáveis como essas línguas são de fato usadas tenha evoluído a partir do acúmulo histórico de interações comunicativas concretas influenciadas por determinada ecologia social. / This work attempts to make an epistemological contribution to the studies on the birth of Romance languages and their coexistence with Latin. That contribution is structured as a review of the literature on the subject, according to principles that consider the transformations of languages as an ecological and evolutionary process (Mufwene, 2008). Based on the fact that languages are complex, dynamic and open systems, composed by inherently variable idiolects, this research examines the ways in which historical facts of political and cultural nature have acted as ecological pressures over the evolution of Latin and its speciation into Romance languages. In particular, the role of the Carolingian Renaissance as the starting point of a wide process of development of a categorization of such languages, as studied by Wright (1982), is analyzed according to that ecoevolutionary perspective. This work includes a comparison between the concept of language adopted here and the historical analysis grounded on it, and the mainstream concepts and analyses, in order to highlight some of the advantages of the chosen stance. The conclusion is: the frontiers between Romance languages have been built upon the construction of metalinguistic awareness, although the vastly variable ways in which those languages are effectively used have evolved from a historical accumulation of concrete communicative interactions influenced by a certain social ecology.

Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) é conhecido especialmente por ser o autor do Curso de Linguística Geral de 1916, obra vista, pelas gerações que o sucederam, como a fundadora tanto do chamado estruturalismo linguístico, como também da Linguística contemporânea. O Curso, como se sabe, foi editado a partir das notas feitas por seus alunos dos três cursos de linguística geral, proferidos por ele, entre 1907 e 1911, na Universidade de Genebra, e é como autor dessa obra que Saussure é reconhecido no movimento estruturalista do século XX. Em vida, no entanto, seu reconhecimento se deu em grande parte pela publicação do Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles indo-européennes, em 1879. Buscamos neste trabalho investigar, pelo viés da Historiografia Linguística, o contexto e o conteúdo do Mémoire de Saussure, ao reconstruir os desenvolvimentos da Linguística Histórica a partir do século XIX e ao traduzir o primeiro capítulo dessa obra, com vistas a recuperar-lhe o sentido do termo sistema, que viria a ser de grande importância para a história da Linguística no século XX. / Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) is mainly known for being the author of the Course in General Linguistics of 1916, a work that was to be regarded, by the future generations, as both the foundation of the linguistic Structuralism and also of the modern Linguistics. The Course, as it is well-known, was edited from the annotations of his students in the three courses in General Linguistics that he lectured, from 1907 to 1911, in the University of Geneva, and it is as the author of this work that Saussure is acknowledged in the Structuralist movement of the 20th century. During his life, however, his renown was due mainly to the publication of the Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles indo-européennes, in 1879. We strived, in this this dissertation, to investigate the context and content of this work through the method of the Linguistic Historiography, by reconstructing the development of Historical Linguistics from the start of the 19th century, by translating the first chapter of his book, aiming to recover the sense of the term system being used therein, and which would come to grow in importance for the future history of Linguistics in the 20th century.

Neste trabalho, realiza-se o estudo das letras ramistas [j] e [v] e de suas variantes [i], [y] e [u] em dois roteiros de viagem lavrados no século XVIII. Para tanto, faz-se uma recolha exaustiva e minuciosa em ambos os manuscritos e há também um mapa que ilustra o tema dos documentos. Gramáticas e ortografias dos séculos XVI, XVII e XVIII foram consultadas e demonstra em que medida o emprego das letras [i], [y], [j], [u] e [v] segue ou não a norma apresentada. A vida e obra de Pierre de la Ramée são abordadas de modo sintético, para que se conheça o contexto de diferenciação das ramistas, [j] e [v] de [i] e [u]. No capítulo dedicado à toponímia, pretende-se analisar como se comportam as ramistas e suas variantes em geral; além de um grafema especial, um tipo de [y] com a cauda cortada: [y], cuja referência fonética e semântica traduz-se, em tupi, no vocábulo água. A análise de dois textos com proximidade temática e cronológica e punhos diferentes deixa entrever hábitos freqüentes de uma determinada época da história da escrita e revela tendências no uso das ramistas e suas variantes. É possível constatar que a preferência no uso desta ou daquela letra dá-se muito mais por idiossincrasias dos autores do que por respeito à normatização imposta pelas gramáticas a eles contemporâneas. / The object of this investigation is the research of the ramist letters [j] and [v] and its differences [i], [y] and [u] made in two travel routes in the century XVIII. Therefore, it is made a very detailed and exhausted selection of both handwritings and there is a map which illustrates the title of the documents. It is also studied grammar books used in centuries XVI, XVII and XVIII and they show whenever the use of [i], [y], [j], [u] and [v] took place in standard grammar. The bibliography of Pierre de la Rameé is used shortly, only to recognize the context of differences in the ramist letters [j] and [v] of [i] and [u]. In the chapter dedicated to toponym, the intention is to analyze the behavior of ramist and its variability in general. It is seen a special writing, a kind of [y] with a dash in the tail like [y], whose phonetic reference and semantic is translated, in tupi, in the word water. The analysis of both texts are close in chronologic and thematic aspects but different treats permit different and frequent manners of a certain time in writing history and reveal some tendencies in the use of ramist writing and its possible for this or that letter is taken by much more for author\'s idiosyncrasies than the normatization imposed by grammar books at that age.

Esta tese apresenta, por um lado, uma descrição sumária do funcionamento dos sufixos latinos -men e -mentum em relação à sua produção lexical, às suas características morfológicas e semânticas e a informação semântica estrutural de suas palavras derivadas, no Latim. Por outro, analisa, de modo exaustivo, como o sufixo -mentum desenvolveu-se nas principais línguas românicas: Castelhano, Francês, Italiano e Romeno, para poder contrastar com o Português. Apresentamos primeiramente uma proposta de origem para o sufixo latino - mentum, diferente da bibliografia existente sobre o assunto, que indica que -mentum advém de um alargamento de -men. Para isso, montamos um corpus de análise das palavras latinas, identificando as bases nominal e verbal das palavras em -men e em -mentum; em seguida, analisamos a datação dessas palavras para, ao final, verificar o significado do sufixo em cada uma delas, resultando numa proposta de genealogia dos sufixos -men / -mentum. Na segunda parte desta tese, apresentamos a derivação panromânica do sufixo latino -mentum. Montamos um corpus para cada língua pesquisada, de modo exaustivo, com indicação de data de entrada, étimo, origem e aspecto semântico. Em cada capítulo, analisamos todos os itens, exceto no Português, em que não realizamos pesquisa feita previamente em Freitas (2008), sobre a semântica dessas palavras. Em todas as línguas, propusemos uma árvore genealógica do sufixo estudado sob um aspecto semântico, mostrando o caminho feito pelo sufixo por meio de seus significados. Ao final, propomos um modelo de análise etimológica para as línguas românicas e uma genealogia do sufixo -mentum, do Latim às românicas. / This thesis presents, on the one hand, a brief description of the functioning of Latin suffixes -men and -mentum related to their lexical production, their morphological and semantic characteristics as well as the structural semantic information of their derived words in Latin. On the other hand, it analyses exhaustively the development of the suffix -mentum in the main Romance languages: Spanish, French, Italian and Romanian, so that we can contrast them with Portuguese. First, we present a proposal for the origins of the Latin suffix -mentum, different from the existing bibliography on the subject, which suggests that -mentum comes from an enlargement of -men. Thus, we have organised a corpus for the analysis of the Latin words, identifying the nominal and verbal bases of words ending in -men and -mentum; then, we analyse the datings of these words, so that we can verify the meaning of the suffix in each one of them, which results in a proposal for the genealogy of both suffixes -men / -mentum. In the second part of the thesis, we present the PanRomance derivation of Latin suffix -mentum. We have organized an exhaustive corpus for each language, indicating the first datings, etymon, origin and semantic aspect. In each chapter, we have analysed every item, but for Portuguese, in which we have not made the research previously presented in Freitas (2008) about the semantics of these words. For every language we have proposed a genealogical tree for the suffix, in its semantic aspect, showing the routes taken by the suffix through its meanings. Finally, we have proposed a model for etymological analysis for Romance languages, and a genealogy of the suffix -mentum, from Latin to Romance languages.

Dentre os meios utilizados para enriquecer os quadros dos paradigmas das flexões verbais nas línguas românicas, destaca-se o emprego de construções de caráter vulgar: as perífrases. Essas formas verbais compostas apresentam, por vezes, divergências relevantes entre as línguas românicas, como a construção ir (presente de indicativo) + infinitivo. Enquanto a língua portuguesa emprega essa perífrase para denotar noção de futuro, a língua catalã, ao contrário, utiliza-a para fazer referência a uma ação pretérita. Tendo em conta as demais línguas românicas, pode-se averiguar que é o catalão que faz uma exceção ao uso de ir+ infinitivo. Apesar de ter seu uso proliferado, o emprego da perífrase catalã não é consenso entre as suas variantes dialetais: enquanto a maior parte privilegia o uso da perífrase, em detrimento da forma simples de pretérito, uma pequena parte dá maior ênfase à forma sintética ou mescla as variantes. Ainda que a questão da coincidência formal da perífrase conduz a uma importante estranheza semântica em relação a outras línguas românicas, o escopo da pesquisa se mantém na comparação entre a língua portuguesa e catalã, colocando em xeque a relação dicotômica norma/ uso. Uma análise sob a perspectiva diacrônica poderia apresentar respostas satisfatórias para se chegar ao entendimento do tratamento e da história dessas perífrases nas duas línguas. / Among the means used to broaden the paradigm of verbal inflections in romance languages, the employment of constructions that are vulgar in character is noteworthy: the periphrases. The compound verb forms present, at times, significant differences between the romance languages, such as the construction ir (indicative present tense) + infinitive. Whereas in Portuguese such a pattern is employed to denote future, Catalan uses it to refer to past actions. All romance languages considered, it can be verified that Catalan is the only language that makes this exceptional use of ir + infinitive. In spite of its widespread use, the employment of the Catalan periphrasis is not a consensus amongst its dialects: while the majority of them make use of the periphrasis instead of the simple past form, a small part of them prefer to use the synthetic form or both interchangeably. Although the matter of the formal coincidence of the periphrasis leads to important semantic awkwardness in relation to the other romance languages, the scope of this work is the comparison between Portuguese and Catalan languages, calling into question the norm/usage dichotomy. An analysis in diachronic perspective could lead to satisfactory understanding of the treatment and history of these periphrases in both languages.

The Proto-Indo-European causative/iterative suffix *-ei̯e- was inherited by Old Iranian and persists in almost all Middle and Modern Iranian languages as -aya- and -ēn- (-Vn-) respectively. Comparably, in the Indic branch -aya- functions as a causative suffix in Sanskrit beside another suffix -āpaya which became the productive causative suffix -āvē- in Middle Indic and still used in Modern Indic today. Evidence shows eight Eastern Iranian languages- †Khotanese, †Khwarazmian, Parachi, Wakhi, Munji, Pashto, Ormuri, and Yidgha- using the morphological causative suffix in addition to the expected Iranian one -aya- or -Vn-. This alternative causative suffix is reconstructible as *-au̯ai̯a- and its attested reflexes have the forms -VwV-, -Vv-, and -wV-. Moreover, in two dialects of the Northwestern Iranian language Gilaki, Dakhili and Langaroudi, the causative suffix is not -Vn- but is rather -be(ː)- in the present tense. In this study I examine the synchronic function of the Gilaki causative suffix -be(ː)- as well as its diachronic origins. I show that Gilaki -be(ː)- primarily functions as a causative suffix and that it is a form which cannot be explained as an innovation within Gilaki itself through phonological or analogical change. As a matter of fact, I demonstrate that this suffix is better explained as deriving from PIr.*-au̯ai̯a- and is connected to the aforementioned Eastern Iranian suffixes. I also argue the reason for realization of /p/ and */u̯/ in -āpaya and *-au̯ai̯a- is phonological and probably goes back to some stages of PIIr.

This study outlines a methodological framework for reconstructing linguistic history within a dialect continuum and applies this methodology to an under-described, controversial, and complex subgroup of New Indo-Aryan (NIA)—the Kamta, Rajbanshi and Northern Deshi Bangla lects (KRNB). ¶ Dialect continua are characterised by non-discrete boundaries between speech communities, and as a result previously divergent lects may undergo common innovations; the result is the familiar picture of overlapping dialectological isoglosses. The sequencing of these innovations and the historical relations between the lects involved are often highly ambiguous. Given the right sociohistorical conditions, a widespread innovation may be more recent than a localised innovation—the very opposite sequencing to that implied by the splits in a family tree. ¶ Not surprisingly, discrete application to the NIA continuum of traditional methodologies—including the Comparative Method, etymological reconstruction and dialect geography—has yielded unsatisfactory and at times chronologically distorted results. Historical studies, therefore, have chosen between: (a) only studying the histories of NIA lects with written records; (b) reconstructing using the chronology suggested by the shape of a family tree; or (c) settling for a ‘flat’, non-historical account of dialect geography. ¶ Under the approach developed here, the strengths of each of these traditional methods are synthesised within an overarching framework provided by a sociohistorical theory of language change. This synthesis enables the linguistic history of the KRNB lects to be reconstructed with some detail from the proto-Kamta stage (1250-1550 AD) up to the present day. Innovations are sequenced based on three types of criteria: linguistic, textual and sociohistorical. The old Kamta stage, and its relation to old Bangla and Asamiya, is reconstructed based on linguistic Propagation Events and Speech Community Events—two concepts central to the methodology. The old Kamta speech community and its language became divided into western, central and eastern subsections during the middle KRNB period (1550-1787 AD, dates assigned by attested sociohistorical events). During the same period, KRNB lects also underwent partial reintegration with NIA lects further afield by means of more widely propagated changes. This trend of differentiation at a local level, concurrent with reintegration at a wider level, also characterises the modern KRNB period from 1787 AD to the present. ¶ This account of KRNB linguistic history is based on a rigorous reconstruction of changes in phonology and morphology. The result is not only a reconstruction of historical changes, but of the proto-Kamta phoneme inventory, hundreds of words of vocabulary, and specific areas of nominal and verbal morphology. The reconstruction is based on data collected in the field for the purposes of this study. Phonological reconstruction has made use of the WordCorr software program, and the reconstructed vocabulary is presented in a comparative wordlist in an appendix. ¶ The methodology developed and applied in this study has been found highly successful; though naturally not without its own limitations. This study has significance for its contribution both to the methodology of historical linguistic reconstruction and to the light shed on the linguistic prehistory of KRNB.

This work is concerned with tracing the historical development of the various functions of the Modern Greek connective pu. This connective has a considerable range of functions, and there have been attempts in the literature to group together these functions in a synchronically valid framework. It is my contention that the most illuminating way of regarding the functional diffusion of pu—and of any content word—is by looking, not only at one synchronic distribution (that of Standard Modern Greek), but at the full range of synchronic distributions in the sundry diatopic variants (dialects) of Modern Greek, and that such a discussion must be informed by the diachrony of the form. / This I attempt to do within the framework of grammaticalisation theory, whereby the development of grammatical forms is considered in the context of reanalysis and analogical extension of forms. As a diachronicist model, this allows for fluidity between function distinctions, and puts in place a historically-oriented alignment of semantic transitions which a strictly synchronicist account would miss. Work on pu has already been done in this framework; however, such work has considered the distribution of pu in Standard Greek alone, with only a brief consideration of its ancient antecedents. I contend that the picture formed of its distribution under such constraints leads to several false generalisations. / In order to arrive at a truer picture of the factors determining the development of pu, there are three facets that need to be considered in detail: / (a) its synchronic distribution in Standard Modern Greek, a variant for which extensive corpora and native speaker judgements are readily available; / (b) its distribution in the various modern dialects—to establish the possible diversification of developments for the particle, and to ensure that one potential pathway is not privileged as a universal tendency at the expense of other, divergent developments (a problem identifiable in treatments of this topic, hitherto looking only at the standard language); / (c) a detailed investigation of the use of the etymon of the particle— hópou—in Ancient Greek. It is one of the major contentions of grammaticalisation theory that the past meaning of a particle influences its subsequent meanings. In order to test the relevance of this principle fully, it is necessary to investigate the functionality of hópou not in isolation, but in the context of the entire Ancient Greek grammatical system. / Due to time and scope constraints, I attempt only these first three tasks in this thesis. I do not attempt a detail look at areal diffusion or the mediaeval Greek semantic transitions involved, nor at the use of pu in collocation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request