Film is a tool frequently used by teachers, but it is often limited to showing students how historical time periods looked like, or as a way for students to search for historical inaccuracies. The aim of this essay is to study whether it is possible to use two films based on the legend of Robin Hood as a way to teach students how to contextualize gender history.   Through the use of film analysis and gender analysis of two different versions of Robin Hood, The adventures of Robin Hood and Robin Hood: Prince of thieves were analyzed. The study has shown that it is indeed possible to use film as a source material for the study of gender history, and that film can tell us a lot about the contemporary view of gender, masculinity and femininity. The didactical analysis concluded that there was no theoretical objection of using film as a source material; however, there are some things that a teacher should be aware of. Although film may be a good way to create a varied study environment and benefit students with reading- and writing disabilities, there is a risk that time-constraints and lack of knowledge of film and its methodology on, behalf of both teachers and students, may make it hard to implement. Although, with a lot of preparation, training and cooperation among teachers these obstacles can be overcome and thus a better educational environment achieved.

This assignment focuses on the concept of ”school trips” and Gotland. Pedagogically, the school trip was initially focussed on practical and national aspects, the education to be made visible and the idea was to present Sweden, its nature and its industries. The Gotland administration chose to focus on the unique and cultural history, and it was unusual that visits were undertaken to factories and workshops. This was also the start of the current tourism trend where knowledge of the value of the countryside and the opportunities for tourism is a successful combination, which can be seen today even if the school trips now have different areas to visit. The idea of the project is to investigate how the school trip as an educative method has been initiated and progressed within the Gotlandic development of tourism and whether stakeholders within Gotlandic school trips are successful in their intentions to develop school trips as object lessons. In relation to the previous historical research on the Swedish basic education system this project has a supplementary objective. The project will study those steps agreed by Folkskollärarföreningen [Association of Teachers] and Svenska Turistföreningen [Swedish Tourist Association] as well as the Gotlandic stakeholders in order to develop and streamline the implementation of the school trips. The study of the Gotlandic school trip industry highlighst a hitherto relatively unknown part of the local school trip culture. The project therefore contributes to Gotlandic tourism and cultural history research.

From the end of the 18th century, the view that youth had a political role to play spread among students in Europe. This view was directly opposed to the paternalistic authoritarian regimes governing the old universities like that at Uppsala, which had been organised as patriarchal corporations for some two hundred years. The thesis deals with the attempts of Uppsala students, despite their lack of formal power, to influence society and their own university. It focuses on the political culture manifested by the students, i.e., the forms that their political action took and the values that were involved. With a view to broadening the perception of student politics, the thesis examines student political action in relation to the prevailing distribution of power and the social settings within the university. The phenomenon of students participating in politics challanged the traditional patriarchal view of the social role appropriate for the young. Overt student politics were pursued principally from the base provided by the new student societies. The thesis includes a prosopographical study of the students involved in such societies. The overt opposition and organisational endeavours were, however, just the tip of the student political iceberg. Within the patriarchy, students were obliged to resort to covert politics, such as creating a commotion outside professors’ homes, failure to perform acts of courtesy and other anonymous or ambiguous actions. The mid 19th century saw a greater participation of students in open political interaction. At the same time, the need to comment and explain their political actions in the press inevitably deprived students of opportunities for surreptitious political action, and the phenomenon of covert student politics petered out. The conflict between the old university and the new student organisations was thus reflected in the relation between open and covert student politics, and shaped the development of these two spheres of activity.

<p>The present study is focused on the female parliamentary members as agents: those who forced their way through the power structures, those who were elected to political commissions of trust, and those who managed to pursue political issues in the maledominated environment. The overall aim of the study has been to investigate the roots of the female parliamentary members’ political actions and their ability to act strategically and purposfully in order to obtain power in the Swedish bicameral Riksdag. By depicting a collective biography of the female parliamentary members I have investigated how the individual female politicians advanced in their careers and explained the changes over time.</p><p>Four problem areas were investigated. The gender structure in the Riksdag was studied through mapping of the female parliamentary members’ backgrounds and career routes. The women’s political interests and work in the Riksdag were studied. In addition I investigated whether there was any cooperation among the female parliamentary members and whether on some occasions they cooperated in order to promote common female interests and also whether there were women in the Riksdag who worked and cooperated in order to level out the gender differences in society. Finally the female parliamentary members’ views of the parliamentary and party work were studied.</p><p>When the Riksdag was first opened to female members the structures isolated them. The men did not admit them into the work of the Riksdag on the same conditions. The women were restricted by the gender order of the Riksdag, but some agents could still modify the structural conditions. Some of the female agents broke their isolation by acting collectively. Their work on the female issues gave them legitimacy in time. They acquired channels in order to work for their interests. They widened their areas of interest and in time they managed to take part in the work of the committees and parliamentary groups. They were then rewarded with assignments. The male parliamentary members admitted the female parliamentary members into politics. They also started co-operating with the men to an increasingly high degree. At the end of the period of investigation the female parliamentary members became more and more integrated in the work of the Riksdag. The great usefulness of the female parliamentary members’ work did not manifest itself however until the 1970s, when they were very successful in their political endeavours and the female representation increased considerably.</p>

<p>Uppsatsens syfte och tema var att undersöka cykelrelaterat företagande utifrån ettschumpeterianskt synsätt. Metoden var longitudinell och materialet utgick både frånuppgifter från Sveriges Handelskalender 1889/90 – 1965 och annan litteratur.Undersökningen följde Lennart Schöns referenscykel för historiska förlopp. Cykelnkunde kategoriseras som en konsumtionsvara i utvecklingsblocket för transporter.Materialet visade hur cykeln som innovation fick ett mycket snabbt spridningsförloppi Sverige. Den introducerades av några få entreprenörer, som följdes av en hel svärmav tillverkare - imitatörer. Världsutställningen i Paris 1867 fick stor betydelse förvelocipedens spridning. I Sverige uppstod snart agglomerationer av cykelföretagandesom utgick från Stockholm och det mellansvenska industridistriktet runt Uppsala ochGävle. Föredagsdöden visade sig vara högre hos nya företag, Liability of Newness,och mindre företag, Liability of Smallness. Ett ökat strukturellt tryck medförde flerafusioner från och med 1932. Bilismen åstadkom ett förändrat efterfrågemönster runt1955, vilket inledde cykelbranschens nedgång. Importens frisläppande 1960 innebaren dramatisk överlevnadskamp för företagen. År 1996 fanns det bara tre svenskaföretag kvar i branschen av totalt 185 gjorda etableringar under perioden 1867-1965.</p>

<p>Hvor mektig var konge og kirke i middelalderens Norge? Hvor gikk grensen for makt? I denne avhandlingen blir disse spørsmålene belyst gjennom analyser av konflikter og konfliktløsning i det norske kongeriket fra ca. 1300 til 1540. To områder innenfor det norske riket blir belyst; Østfold og Jemtland. Både den kongelige og kirkelige øvrighets forhold til lokalsamfunnene her blir undersøkt. Konfliktene som undersøkes varierer fra rettslige konflikter på lavt nivå til større bondeopprør. Gjennom analyser av bakgrunn, forløp, lederskikkelser og reaksjoner kartlegges de lokale strukturene som formet forholdet mellom lokalsamfunn og øvrighet, hvilke innflytelsesmuligheter lokalsamfunnene hadde og hvor grensene for maktutøvelse lå. Analysene settes inn i en europeisk sammenheng ved en komparasjon med tre områder i Sveits. Med utgangspunkt i denne komparasjonen drøftes de forskjellige grunnag for maktutøvelse - "Herrschaft" og kongemakt. Lokalsamfunnenes muligheter for politisk innflytelse innenfor disse forskjellige maktkonseptene drøftes også, fra de sveitsiske bøndernes muligheter for statsbygging nedenfra til de norske bøndenes muligheter for innflytelse gjennom konesdømmets og kirkens etablerte institusjoner. </p>

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When Sweden was hit by the massunemployment of the 1920s the preferred way of distributing the help to the unemployed was to engage them in publicly financed and run relief works. This dissertation investigates why the work approach made such a strong imprint on the Swedish unemployment policy. It also analyses why the work approach, viewed as a social political measure, to understand how it structured national, local and individual conditions. In previous research there has been a tendancy to treat the work approach as the only natural way to handle unemployment. A comparison with the British case has shown that there clearly existed other ways of dealing with the problem of unemployment, and hence that the work approach should be viewed as a deliberate chiose. The study has also shown that existing institutional arrangements do not in any binding way stake out the course for future policies, and that the conditions for adopting the work approach was not any more favourable in Sweden than in Britain. The explanation suggested here is that the unemployed was looked upon with greater mistrust in Sweden than in Britain. The study shows that the work approach was designed to enforce norms and values connected to work ethics, self-support and gender. To enforce the norm of self-support it both discouraged people from seeking help, with low wges and strict conditions, and by putting them to work if they did. To enforce the norm of the male breadwinner the relief jobs were reserved mainly for male breadwinners, and women were excluded from the eligibility to appaly for unemployment support. In spite of the National Unemployment Commission's rather stron hold over the work approach, much of the implementation was left to the local authorities. This rendered them a certain amount of freedom of action, which put them in a difficult position. The local authorities had to balance long term economic goals and short term immediate needs, they had to carefully weigh the interests of different preassure groups against national, local and individual interests. Despite the powers of the Commission it was very much up to each local council to decide what the experiences of the unemployed would be. People were, by the unemployment authorities, assigned to three main categories: unemployed deemed undeserving, those on cash support and the relief workers. Creating different categories meant that the unemployed were split up, and made it very difficult to organise the unemployed to a powerful opponent to the authorities. The dissertation has shown that the social dimension is important in addition to the economical and political if you want to understand the choice and effekts of the work approach. It has also shown that it was a choice made in spite of prevailing conditions. Finally it suggests that the creation of the work approach was the really ground breaking move in the unemployment policies of the inter.war period, and that the "new" policy of the 1930s, with relief salaries paid according to negotiated rates, was rather a minor revision of the existing polcy. The main reason for the relief works in 1930s, as well as in teh 1920s, was to test the willingness to work. the aim of the work approach was to get the unemployed to take a job at any cost, and the primary method to achieve thi goal was to put the unemployed to work - at any cost.

Hvor mektig var konge og kirke i middelalderens Norge? Hvor gikk grensen for makt? I denne avhandlingen blir disse spørsmålene belyst gjennom analyser av konflikter og konfliktløsning i det norske kongeriket fra ca. 1300 til 1540. To områder innenfor det norske riket blir belyst; Østfold og Jemtland. Både den kongelige og kirkelige øvrighets forhold til lokalsamfunnene her blir undersøkt. Konfliktene som undersøkes varierer fra rettslige konflikter på lavt nivå til større bondeopprør. Gjennom analyser av bakgrunn, forløp, lederskikkelser og reaksjoner kartlegges de lokale strukturene som formet forholdet mellom lokalsamfunn og øvrighet, hvilke innflytelsesmuligheter lokalsamfunnene hadde og hvor grensene for maktutøvelse lå. Analysene settes inn i en europeisk sammenheng ved en komparasjon med tre områder i Sveits. Med utgangspunkt i denne komparasjonen drøftes de forskjellige grunnag for maktutøvelse - "Herrschaft" og kongemakt. Lokalsamfunnenes muligheter for politisk innflytelse innenfor disse forskjellige maktkonseptene drøftes også, fra de sveitsiske bøndernes muligheter for statsbygging nedenfra til de norske bøndenes muligheter for innflytelse gjennom konesdømmets og kirkens etablerte institusjoner.

The present study is focused on the female parliamentary members as agents: those who forced their way through the power structures, those who were elected to political commissions of trust, and those who managed to pursue political issues in the maledominated environment. The overall aim of the study has been to investigate the roots of the female parliamentary members’ political actions and their ability to act strategically and purposfully in order to obtain power in the Swedish bicameral Riksdag. By depicting a collective biography of the female parliamentary members I have investigated how the individual female politicians advanced in their careers and explained the changes over time. Four problem areas were investigated. The gender structure in the Riksdag was studied through mapping of the female parliamentary members’ backgrounds and career routes. The women’s political interests and work in the Riksdag were studied. In addition I investigated whether there was any cooperation among the female parliamentary members and whether on some occasions they cooperated in order to promote common female interests and also whether there were women in the Riksdag who worked and cooperated in order to level out the gender differences in society. Finally the female parliamentary members’ views of the parliamentary and party work were studied. When the Riksdag was first opened to female members the structures isolated them. The men did not admit them into the work of the Riksdag on the same conditions. The women were restricted by the gender order of the Riksdag, but some agents could still modify the structural conditions. Some of the female agents broke their isolation by acting collectively. Their work on the female issues gave them legitimacy in time. They acquired channels in order to work for their interests. They widened their areas of interest and in time they managed to take part in the work of the committees and parliamentary groups. They were then rewarded with assignments. The male parliamentary members admitted the female parliamentary members into politics. They also started co-operating with the men to an increasingly high degree. At the end of the period of investigation the female parliamentary members became more and more integrated in the work of the Riksdag. The great usefulness of the female parliamentary members’ work did not manifest itself however until the 1970s, when they were very successful in their political endeavours and the female representation increased considerably.