In the year of 2006 I moved to South Africa for a year, a land that has fascinated me because of its history. During the time of my stay I became very surprised how strongly apartheid permeates the community where the white South Africans today are building walls around themselves. Through media we get surrounded with pictures that media creates and to find information regarding what’s happening in the world this is, most often, the primary source. Therefore I believe it’s interesting to explore how two different local newspapers from the county of Kalmar, with two different ideologies, present pictures of the same event, namely the revolt of Soweto in 1976 and how these two newspapers relates to racial policies. The revolt of Soweto was a peaceful demonstration against the use of the language Afrikaans, where the police opened fire and killed many children’s and this was the beginning of a wave of dissatisfaction throughout the country. In my review I’m using a comparative method where I’m comparing the articles from these newspapers with each other. I’m also using a postcolonial theory as guidance to understand the racial conflicts in South Africa.

<p>Islamologen Jan Hjärpe har en gång skrivit att ingen historieskrivning är oskyldig. Vilket även stämmer överens med den historia som presenteras i skolans undervisning. Historien är en del av såväl individens som nationens minne, därför måste den konstant reproduceras. Historikern Ulf Zander har påpekat att för att ens identitet skall övergå till en identifikation måste den aktiveras och ges en innebörd. Alltså måste en nationell, eller annan, identitet sättas i förhållande till någon eller något annat för att göras legitim och användbar. Detta görs genom att individens historiemedvetande påverkas och omformuleras genom den historiekultur som han eller hon möts av i skolan. När detta medvetande aktiveras används olika former av historiebruk. I skolsammanhang är det framför allt ett ideologiskt, politisk-pedagogiskt samt ett icke-bruk, som de har definierats av Klas-Göran Karlsson, som är mest framträdande.</p><p>Kenya och Tanzania är två unga nationalstater dör identitetsskapandet fortfarande pågår. Länderna ligger bredvid varandra mellan Indiska oceanen och Victoriasjön på Afrikas östra halva. De har en liknande demografisk sammansättning och blev självständiga vid ungefär samma tid. De har båda fungerat som enpartistater in på 1990-talet och har ansett sig följa en socialistisk ideologi. De har dock bemött identitetskapandet på två radikalt olika vis i förhållande till skolans historieundervisning. I Secondery School, vilket motsvarar det svenska gymnasiet, läser eleverna i båda länderna historia i samtliga fyra forms eller årskurser. Medan de kenyanska läromedelsförfattarna och styrdokumenten har valt att lyfta fram landets första president Jomo Kenyatta som en landsfader har inte Tanzanias dito, Nyerere fått samma plats i sitt lands läromedel.</p><p>Medan de kenyanska läromedlen och styrdokumenten har valt att lyfta fram den nationella identiteten och patriotismen som ett uttalat mål har man valt en mer panafrikansk väg i Tanzania. Likaledes lyfter de kenyanska böckerna fram tre stycken inhemska national filosofier (African socialism, Harambee samt Nyayoism) vilar sig den tanzaniska framställningen på en mer internationell socialism och en historiematerialistisk framställning.</p><p>I både länderna väljer man dock att till stor del bortse från den etniska mångfald som länderna består av i det narrativ som presenteras.</p><p>I båda länderna är styrdokumenten i form av läroplaner tämligen exakta och utförliga. Även om de inte anvisar vilket stoff som skall användas definierar de innehållet genom att kontrollera kapitelindelningen hos de läromedel som får användas.</p>

<p>This dissertation is an analysis of the cultural meeting between the Church and the Crown on the one hand, and the Sami community on the other, in a lappmark in the north of Sweden during the seventeenth century.</p><p>The authorities viewed and acted towards the Sami from the standpoint of their normative system, incorporating the political/ideological discourse that existed at this time. This was implemented by means of judicial machinery that represented the Sami as indulging in immoral sexual behavior and idolatry. This was due to the fact the authorities nurtured an interest in the different: the Sami became the Other, representing an antithesis of the authorities’ own existence. The authorities’ need to create this antithesis led to a representation of the Sami as sexually immoral and idolatrous that endured throughout the period of this research, with results that have both qualitative and quantitative foundations in two categories of crimes: those against religion, and sexual offences.</p><p>The Sami, for their part, exhibited cultural manifestations that, when detached from the court rolls’ narrative structure, clearly distinguish themselves from the normative system represented and implemented by the authorities. Conciliation in court was common amongst the Sami; their views on theft, murder or manslaughter, and sexual offences never coincided with the perspective maintained by the authorities on these issues, which was based on laws and ordinances. There were two reasons for this: the first was that the Sami did not stigmatize as criminals individuals who had committed unlawful deeds, as was the case with the authorities, who operated within the framework of the Swedish legal system; the second reason was that the Sami had other traditions concerning marriage and religious practice. The Sami interacted not only with each other, but also in relation to other groups of people outside the community, such as visiting farmers, townspeople, merchants and ironworkers. Judicial matters were raised for different reasons: to document the distribution of inheritance; to obtain remuneration for purchases on credit; to obtain a financial settlement with regard to theft; and to establish clearly the sequence of events, in cases of murder and manslaughter. This sheds light on the question of why and how the Sami made use of the possibilities afforded to them by the court, despite instances of repression to begin with, when the authorities used the court system to initiate cases against the Sami, including crimes against religion and sexual offences. The legal cases also shed light upon Sami traditions, morals and cultural expressions, which not only differed from the normative system of the authorities but also from various traditions and morals that were exhibited by the peasantry in other parts of Sweden at this time – we can thus “see into” a seventeenth-century Sami community.</p><p>The authorities represented repression and control, with the result that the Sami became the Other. However, the Sami interacted both within and beyond their own community. This provides us with information about traditions and morals, which seem to have been characteristic in terms of Sami culture, whilst at the same time differing from the type of behaviour the authorities desired.</p><p>The survey includes theoretical perspectives used by sociologist Stuart Hall, philosophers Michel Foucault and Paul Ricoeur, literary scientist and cultural theorist Homi K. Bhabha, and others, as well as theories proposed by literary scientists Ania Loomba and Edward Said, as well as cultural theorist and literary scientist Robert J. C. Young.</p>

<p>Adopting a socio-cultural approach to the study of cold war historiography, this master’s degree essay is a comparative study of the two main disciplinary fields of cold war scholarship, diplomatic history and international relations theory (IR). The study applies the theory of scientific development formulated by Thomas Kuhn and the concept of paradigm on the field of cold war research.</p><p>Diplomatic history and IR shows many similarities in their development, and in the importance different schools has had in scholarly debate. These different schools are analysed as paradigms, a concept that has been more willingly adopted within IR than in diplomatic history. The transition from what historian John Lewis Gaddis has termed Old Cold War History to New Cold War History is discussed in terms of paradigms and paradigm shift. What this shift has meant for historical cold war research is also addressed. With the starting point in conclusions by historian Anders Stephanson, the study also suggests that the predominating view of the cold war during the cold war can be analysed as a paradigm, effecting interpretations and theories about the conflict. As IR scholar Ted Hopf has suggested, the normal science during the cold war prevented IR research from correctly predicting the end of the cold war.</p><p>From a Kuhnian perspective, an interpretation of the difficulties in communication and scholarly interchange between diplomatic history and IR is offered. The study emphasizes the importance of political and social factors in the development of the different paradigms within the field, and concludes that the goal to become a paradigmatic science might not be attainable, or even desirable, for disciplines such as diplomatic history and IR.</p>

<p>By the late nineteenth century childbirth was firmly established in the domestic sphere. However, in the early years of the twentieth century different forms of maternity clinics were established where normal, as well as complicated, deliveries could take place. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the institutionalisation of maternity care in a local urban context, the role of women in confinement in this process, and its impact on infant mortality. The geographical setting of the thesis is Sundsvall, a town in northern Sweden. The study concentrates on the period spanning from 1900 to 1930, when local communities, rather than federal agencies, were charged with creating and implementing community standards for maternity care.</p><p>In order to lower the mortality rate of illegitimate infants, and to improve delivery conditions for unmarried women, a maternity home was opened in Sundsvall in 1913. Moreover, a maternity ward was established at the local hospital in 1920. In this study it is clear, that when institutional maternity care became available, the transition was rapid and unhesitating. When analysing the local practices it is possible to highlight the central role women played as part of this process. Initially indigent women and women bearing children out of wedlock accepted the institutional alternative, but shortly thereafter married women of means turned to the newly created wards. As a result of this early acceptance, these institutions were soon filled to capacity. </p><p>During the period in question a significant reduction in infant mortality rates can be noticed in the Swedish towns. A reasonable assumption is that the institutionalisation of maternity care improved infants chances of survival. In the study it is suggested that the institutionalised maternity care made an impact on neonatal mortality, as well as on post-neonatal mortality. The study shows that local practices of care played a key role in infant survival.</p><p>This dissertation reveals the value of examining local practices in order to understand the rapid changes of maternity care. Childbirth changed from being a private matter, taking place in one’s home, to be a public concern, taking place in the institutional setting. At the 1937 Parliament (Riksdag) the responsibility for institutionalised maternity care became a public and a State concern, and maternity care became a part of the Swedish welfare system.</p>

This dissertation investigates compulsory care of alcohol abusers in Sweden during the years 1940 to 1981. The purposes of the dissertation are twofold: in part to determine the concrete forms which care services for alcohol abusers took during the years focused on, in part to analyze what connections existed between the development of services and conceptions of the reasons for, consequences of and possible solutions to alcohol abuse. One point of departure is that the problem was defined with respect to the interests of influential social actors, and with respect to a very particular view of what a respectable life (free of social problems) was. Among the most influential actors involved in these social services, I argue for a focus not least on so-called “street-level bureaucrats”, with direct influence on the goals and methods of institutional care. The study is thus oriented towards mapping the development of problem definitions and formulation within the praxis of compulsory care in four institutionalized care establishments for alcohol abusers. This development is contrasted to broader trends of institutional and discursive development in the definition of alcohol abuse as a social problem. The legislation regulating compulsory care has constantly been founded upon assumptions of the social damage caused by alcohol abuse. At the level of concepts or discourse the consequences of causes for and solutions to alcohol abuse were initially defined in terms of individual morality, with definitions subsequently developing so as to depart from more medicalized terminology. Towards the end of the period the problem descriptions became focused on societal dysfunctions and reforms as the respective causes of and solutions to societally problematic alcohol abuse. At the level of treatment focused upon in the dissertation, societal explanations of alcohol problems departing from societal dysfunctions as causes thereof, and societal reforms as solutions, have never been fully integrated in care services praxis. This was not the case for the simple reason that these care activities, as such, were developed to deal with individuals rather than with society. Neither did a medicalized perspective come to dominate institutionalized care during the period studied – something which can be explained not least with the fact that the perspective’s expansion was not attended by development of medical treatment methods which were convincing with respect to results of use. On one hand, concretely practiced compulsory care thus long remained dominated by problem definitions departing from inmates’ gender-specific moral qualities. On the other hand, certain elements of a more resource-oriented and societal-reformist perspective can certainly be distinguished in the development of care services, albeit on the special terms associated with service implementation in the field. In conclusion, the historical development of care services for alcohol abusers shows that alcohol abuse need not necessarily, or primarily, be seen as a problem having to do with individuals’ relationship with alcohol. Other definitions of the problem have focused upon individuals’ relationship also to working life, the family, sexual morals, the gender order, or capitalist oppression. The problem has been seen as a workers’ and poverty problem, a problem of families and violence, a medical problem, or a symptom of societal problems. Causes have been sought in the character of individuals, the ways in which they have been raised or not raised, their spiritual life, their metabolism, their genetic material, their socioeconomic environment, gender and family situation. The proposed solutions have included everything from work, organized coffee breaks, medicines, psychotherapy and democracy to piece-rate wages, no wages, collective care, or solitary confinement. Alcohol itself has been a secondary factor in the problem definitions which have let themselves be attached – either via perceived links of cause or of effect – to more overarching social issues. / <p>Sammanfattning på engelska med titeln: The rehab : compulsory care of alcohol abusers in Sweden 1940-1981</p>

Women’s wartime work is a well-known phenomenon in belligerent countries. But what happened in a neutral country like Sweden? With the outbreak of the Second World War, Sweden was put in a state of “national preparedness” that would last from September 1939 until the end of war in May 1945. From the autumn of 1939 the State Labour Market Commission (Statens arbetsmarknadskommission, SAK) had sent out signals to the employers’ associations in the engineering industry and at the ironworks that their male employees would not be granted exemptions from military service. Employers therefore had to find reserve workers, either men too old to be conscripted or women. The main purpose of this thesis is to explore how the threat of war affected the plans for and the use of women’s labour during the years of national preparedness. The national preparedness organisation did not include a plan ready for use to mobilise women either for work or for voluntary efforts for the nation during this period. The absence of a state plan for women’s national efforts became the point of departure for the Women's Organisations' Preparedness Committee, (Kvinnoföreningarnas beredskapskommitté, KBK) in 1938. The founding intention of this organisation was to gather Swedish women as a demonstration of their will to defend their country. A huge number of women – 800 000 – signed up for various tasks. This organisation was dominated by women who were eager to contribute to the national defence, and was not fully representative of the traditional women’s movement. With the passing of The National Compulsory Service Act (tjänstepliktslag) in December 1939 both men and women had become eligible for conscription. This was supposed to provide an instrument through which the government would be able to guarantee the supply of industrial labour. But the National Compulsory Service Act was never put into effect with regard to women. Instead, the governmental strategy to reach the female workforce was to establish a liaison between the state and the KBK. The Swedish way was the volunteer way. But this policy required propaganda. And so “Mrs. Loyal” made her entry in a state initiated propaganda newsreel on Swedish cinemas in January 1944. Mrs. Loyal was introduced as an example of “the national preparedness woman of today”. As a reserve worker in the engineering industry, she replaced a man who was called up for military service. The Mrs Loyal propaganda was aimed at married women whose children were grown up. The film presented the ideal situation where women registered for these courses voluntarily, to be fully trained if and when they were needed in industry. Towards the end of the war the SAK made inquiries to investigate the outcome of industrial employment during the war years. It then appeared that the Mrs Loyal-campaign had had an unexpected result. Few of the married housewives Mrs Loyal was supposed to attract had followed her example. In reality, it was a different group of women who took advantage of the opportunity. Young, unmarried women – daughters who still lived at home – saw an opening for them to leave home and earn their own livings. For these young women the preparedness situation and labour shortage actually became an opportunity for emancipation. How are we to understand the significance of the years 1939–1945 in terms of gender relations? The years of national preparedness in Sweden never became the opportunity for a broad range of women to leave their homes and become wage earners. In terms of gender contract, the housewife contract remained dominant. The traditional gender order never changed. The call for women workers was never a question of equal rights, just the temporary needs of the nation. But even if the changes were as superficial as the propaganda image, the need for women workers led to some changes. The question of equal pay was finally brought up on the political agenda with women’s entry in the engineering and ironworks industries. The conditions of labour shortage also placed a focus on other questions concerning the consequences of the protective labour legislation for women, like the prohibition against women’s night work and the question of women’s part-time work. The government had the opportunity to present new guidelines for women’s work at the end of the war. Instead a pattern was institutionalised that reinforced an image of women workers as a “latent labour reserve”. The propaganda picture of Mrs Loyal was forgotten, but in reality both married and unmarried women went on seeking solutions to the difficulties of combining wage work with children and housework.

This thesis is a contribution to the study of French foreign policy in the time of “old diplomacy” in Northern Europe. Aiming to fill a gap, the object of investigation is French foreign policy in the Baltic area between 1871 and 1914 (from the French defeat during the Franco-Prussian War to the outbreak of the First World War). Particular attention is directed at the assets of the French diplomacy at work in the Baltic Sea: naval military planning, financial loans and culture. Since the period was dominated by the diplomatic isolation that Bismarck had placed France with the aim to prevent her from creating any kind of alliance to embark in a war of revenge against Germany, France carried out a policy of making ententes and alliances in order to break out from this isolation. However, in her attempt to emerge, France was challenged by Germany especially in relations with Denmark and Sweden. Although French foreign policy was able to use the loan as an instrument to secure a success with Russia by establishing a military treaty in 1892, but France did not succeed to attract and influence Sweden in the same way because of the risk of her turning to Germany. Also strongly challenged by Germany in Denmark, French foreign policy could not stop the willingness of Denmark to adopt a policy of neutrality. But, because of her intervention between Russia and Great Britain in the Dogger Bank incident in 1904, French diplomacy succeeded to gain the support of the British fleet in the case of a naval war in the Baltic Sea for operations against the German coast. Bringing together Russia and Great Britain for a naval cooperation in the case of a war in the Baltic Sea was, without any doubt, not only the most audacious and difficult task for French foreign policy, but also a sign of its strong revival. However, this Russo-British naval cooperation could not be converted into practice because of the geographical specificities of the Baltic Sea and the difficulties of naval military planning. Adressing this aspect, this thesis reveals the fundamental mistakes of the naval theoreticians who were defending naval theories based on land military theories and experiences.

This dissertation examines how the paradoxical process takes place whereby women are both integrated and segregated within male-dominated sites of social action, here in the Swedish labor market, national economy and military during the First World War. The potential of the First World War to change the societal gender distribution of labor in Sweden is limited by the fact that Sweden was not a belligerent state, and that the mobilization of men thus was limited. It is in social planning activity, and in the general state of preparedness for war and crisis, that this study has sought to analyze contemporaneous understandings of womens’ "tasks" in times of war and crisis. Earlier research has shown that women can be integrated in several different ways which can reproduce the gender order. This order can be re-created either in that women and men gain access to different "arenas" on different conditions, or in that women and men gain access to the same arena on different conditions (to mens’ advantage). From a gender-theoretical perspective, re-segregative integration is analyzed both at the level of conceptions and of practices. The study consists of three studies, regarding the domains of the labor market, the national economy (or economizing activity), and the military. The concept of the (social) task is used to capture those activities which voluntary organizations, the state, and/or womens’ organizations offered or enjoined/assigned to women in times of war and crisis. Women were offered tasks in e.g. the military medical service and in war veterinary care services, within so-called "time expense economizing" activities organized for the economy’s household sector, and with sewing articles of uniform clothing for older reserve troops (the landstormen). In addition, plans were laid up (although never carried out in practice) whereby women in wartime could be called upon to fill the "gaps" in the labor market left by men mobilized into the armed forces. In the domain of the labor market, womens’ integration was envisioned as taking place within an "extraordinary arena" on other conditions than those applying to men. Womens’ tasks were related to mens’ peacetime tasks, then being called "replacement work"; in relation to mens’ military service, placed into a context of "civil preparedness". In the domain of the national economy (or economizing activity), within the state National Economizing Commission, women were also integrated into a “special arena” on other conditions than those applying to men. Women were recruited into "womens’ administrations", or as the "only woman" to otherwise completely male-dominated administrations, and their tasks were limited to dealing with "the private households". In the domain of the military, women were still integrated into a "special arena" auxiliary to a male regular arena. Tasks were constituted as voluntary, were offered by voluntary organizations, and were focused on the provision of care services. In all these societal domains, a qualitative difference was created between what men did and what women did, or were envisioned to do. Womens’ tasks were constituted as feminized tasks. The tasks were however designed in a way which both challenged and confirmed more traditional conceptions of the "male defender", the "male provider", and the "masculine state and public sphere". One can reason here in terms of the gender order’s having been maintained, despite integration. In theory or in practice, this was done by tasks being recontextualized, whereby the existing order was maintained. By placing womens’ tasks into another context, order was secured, enabling the claim that "nothing has really happened". This could be expressed by saying that, when the gender order is threatened, a type of "assisting logic" intervened which placed threatening phenomena into a new context: the consequence of this was that tasks which women did, or were to do, became diminished.

By the late nineteenth century childbirth was firmly established in the domestic sphere. However, in the early years of the twentieth century different forms of maternity clinics were established where normal, as well as complicated, deliveries could take place. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the institutionalisation of maternity care in a local urban context, the role of women in confinement in this process, and its impact on infant mortality. The geographical setting of the thesis is Sundsvall, a town in northern Sweden. The study concentrates on the period spanning from 1900 to 1930, when local communities, rather than federal agencies, were charged with creating and implementing community standards for maternity care. In order to lower the mortality rate of illegitimate infants, and to improve delivery conditions for unmarried women, a maternity home was opened in Sundsvall in 1913. Moreover, a maternity ward was established at the local hospital in 1920. In this study it is clear, that when institutional maternity care became available, the transition was rapid and unhesitating. When analysing the local practices it is possible to highlight the central role women played as part of this process. Initially indigent women and women bearing children out of wedlock accepted the institutional alternative, but shortly thereafter married women of means turned to the newly created wards. As a result of this early acceptance, these institutions were soon filled to capacity. During the period in question a significant reduction in infant mortality rates can be noticed in the Swedish towns. A reasonable assumption is that the institutionalisation of maternity care improved infants chances of survival. In the study it is suggested that the institutionalised maternity care made an impact on neonatal mortality, as well as on post-neonatal mortality. The study shows that local practices of care played a key role in infant survival. This dissertation reveals the value of examining local practices in order to understand the rapid changes of maternity care. Childbirth changed from being a private matter, taking place in one’s home, to be a public concern, taking place in the institutional setting. At the 1937 Parliament (Riksdag) the responsibility for institutionalised maternity care became a public and a State concern, and maternity care became a part of the Swedish welfare system.