Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages, 2008. / Title from home page (viewed on May 14, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-09, Section: A, page: 3537. Adviser: Suzanne P. Stetkevych.

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The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.

The idea of exploring the topic of the thesis has been promoted by the revival of Islam as a legal system in a number of Islamic nation states, as an assertion and part of their identity. This development is regarded by some as adversely affecting non-Muslim citizens in such states when looked at in the light of international principles. / Sudan, a multireligious state, declared the application of Sharia laws in 1983. The thesis addresses the impact of the application of Sharia law on non-Muslims within the historical, political and legal context of Sudan. This is examined in the light of international principles. / To this end, the thesis uses a comparative methodology, entailing the identification of the areas of inconsistencies between rules of Sharia governing non-Muslim subjects and international norms. Thus, an examination of Sudanese laws based on Sharia having an impact on non-Muslims is made.

La présente thèse de recherche concerne l’évolution du système éducatif iranien à l’époque des Qâdjârs, et étudie notamment le rôle qu’y ont eu la France et les acteurs français. Il s’agit de mettre en, exergue l’influence du système éducatif français sur celui de l’Iran, sans pour autant être une comparaison de ces deux systèmes. Ce travail est une recherche historique, qui prend pour but d’étudier le processus de formation d’une structure scolaire moderne en Iran de 1851 à 1925. En prenant contact avec l’Occident, l’Iran du début du XIXème siècle cherche à combler son retard par rapport aux pays européens industrialisés, en leur empruntant savoirs, technologies et méthodes. La mise en place d’un système éducatif radicalement différent de la structure préexistante des écoles coraniques, dites maktab, participe de ce mouvement et est vue par les élites progressistes comme une condition sine qua non à la modernisation du pays. Le modèle éducatif français leur apparait comme étant le meilleur à suivre, et avec lui se diffusent dans le pays la langue et la culture française. Dans cette thèse de doctorat, nous entendons d’abord analyser l’arrière-plan sociopolitique à la mise en place d’un nouveau système scolaire, via la fondation d’écoles modernes, en Iran. Nous tâchons ensuite d’étudier les modalités de mise en œuvre de ce système par les acteurs aussi bien étatiques que privés, tant français qu’iraniens. / The present work concerns the evolution of the educational system in Iran during the Qâdjâr dynasty and the role the French state and French actors played in this evolution. It seeks to highlight the influence of the French educational system on that of Iran, while at the same time avoiding a comparison between the two systems. This is a work of historical research, that aims to study the process of the creation of a modern educational system in Iran between 1851 and 1925. In seeking out the West, early 19th century Iran looked to make up for its tardiness in relation to industrialised European nations by borrowing their knowledge, technology and methods. Putting in place an educational system radically different from the preexisting system based on Quranic schools, called maktab, was a part of this movement and was seen by the progressive elite as a necessary condition for the modernisation of the country. The French educational model seemed to them to be the best one to follow, and with it French language and culture spread throughout the country. In this doctoral thesis, I intend first to analyse the socio-political backdrop of the installation of this new educational system via the creation of modern schools in Iran. I will then look at the modalities of the implementation of the system by both state and private actors, both Iranian and French.

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Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens). / It is easy to speak of peace, but much more difficult to evaluate to what extent one’s actions really contribute to it. This master’s thesis seeks to critically contextualize the emergence of the Israeli nation from 1881 to 1948 and highlight certain Jewish pacifist forces, religious and secular, zionist and anti-zionist, which this society has generated or compelled into being from the end of the XIXth century until today. First, four strategies used to build the Jewish state are explored: the practical path (setting up moshavot, kibbutzim and moshavim), the diplomatic path (Herzl and Weizmann’s lobbying), the sociopolitical path (establishing unions, the Jewish Agency and the Va’ad Leumi) and finally the military path (setting up paramilitary organizations such as Hagana, Irgun, Lehi and Palmach). This exploration allows the researcher to better frame the issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Palestinian and Israeli nations. Secondly, the notion of peace camp is investigated using a combined conceptual and empirical approach. The conceptual inquiry questions the criteria used by some scholars to determine whether an organization contributes or not to peacebuilding. The empirical inquiry examines two peace camps: the Ashkenazi secular left (a pacifism that emerged in the 1970s) and the religious Haredim (a pacifism opposed to the zionist ideology from the start). This overview highlights the fact that any belief system can incite war as well as peace. The conclusion discusses the challenges of intercivilizational dialogue, challenges that are both intranational (social harmony between Ashkenazim, Mizrachim, Russian, Ethiopian, etc. Israeli Jews) and international (peace between Palestinians and Israelis).

This dissertation brings the Ancient Near Eastern practice of the wheel, hanging, impaling, placarding, and crucifixion (WHIPC) into the scholarship of crucifixion, which has been too dominated by the Greek and Roman practice. WHIPC can be defined as the exposure of a body via affixing, by any means, to a structure, wooden or otherwise, for public display (Chapter 2). Linguistic analysis of relevant sources in several languages (including Egyptian hieroglyphics, Sumerian, Hebrew, Hittite, Old Persian, all phases of ancient Greek, and Latin) shows that because of imprecise terminology, any realistic definition of WHIPC must be broad (Chapter 3). Using methodologies and interdisciplinary approaches drawn from art history, archaeology, linguistic analysis, and digital humanities, this work analyzes scattered but abundant evidence to piece together theories about who was crucified, when, how, where, and why. The dissertation proves that WHIPC records, written and visual, were kept for three primary functions: to advertise power, to punish and deter, and to perform magical rituals or fulfill religious obligations. Manifestations of these three functions come through WHIPC in mythology (see especially Chapter 4), trophies (Chapter 5), spectacles, propaganda, political commentary, executions, corrective torture, behavior modification or prevention, donative sacrifices, scapegoat offerings, curses, and healing rituals. WHIPC also served as a mode of human and animal sacrifice (Chapter 6). Regarding the treatment of the body, several examples reveal cultural contexts for nudity and bone-breaking, which often accompanied WHIPC (Chapter 7). In the frequent instances where burial was forbidden a second penalty, played out in the afterlife, was intended. Contrary to some modern assertions, implementation of crucifixion was not limited by gender or status (Chapter 8). WHIPC often occurred along roads or on hills and mountains, or in in liminal spaces such as doorways, cliffs, city gates, and city walls (Chapter 9). From the Sumerians to the Romans, exposing and displaying the bodies consistently functioned as a display of power, punishment and prevention of undesirable behavior, and held religious and magical significance. Exposure punishments have been pervasive and global since the beginning of recorded time, and indeed, this treatment of the body is still practiced today. It seems no culture has escaped this form of physical abuse.