This thesis is a narrative and analytical history of the Hungarian air service. It follows its development from the Allied intervention of 1919 through the end of the Second World War. Denied an air force by the Treaty of Trianon, Hungarian airmen determined to thwart the inspection system and preserve national air power. The prohibition against military aviation persisted after the Commission was withdrawn, and through Hungarian diplomatic efforts, a relationship was established with Italy that included substantial assistance to the clandestine Hungarian air service. This low-grade arms build-up continued through the 1930s, during which there was a robust discussion about air power theory and the nature of future aerial warfare in Magyar Katonai Szemle [Hungarian Military Review]. After the rise of Hitler, Germany offered arms credits and support for Hungary’s obsession with regaining the territory lost in the post-war settlement. The air service grew mainly through imported aeroplanes, the purchase of which ceased to be secret after the Little Entente recognised Hungary’s equality of arms. The Hungarian air force became independent in 1939, and enjoyed public acclaim after decisive air-to-air victories over Slovak pilots during the occupation of Upper Hungary. The General Staff never accepted its autonomy, however, and succeeded in reclaiming control of the air force in 1941. After Hungary joined the Axis invasion of the Soviet Union, the air force provided air defence and interdiction in support of the Rapid Corps. Its mounting losses were made good by German aeroplanes, some of which were produced in Hungarian factories. As the Allied bombing campaign against Hungary intensified in 1944, most of its aircraft were devoted to homeland defence. The force ceased to exist as a true national service after the German-led coup in October 1944, but continued a fighting withdrawal to the west until captured by American forces.

The unusual way in which Britain's empire in Arabia was connected politically and constitutionally to the metropole, and the perceived – in some instances exaggerated – view of its strategic and economic importance, created both an opportunity and a justification for the British disengagement from the region to happen differently than in most of the rest of the empire. Strong personalities – in the metropole, amongst the men on the spot, and among local elites – played a crucial role in decision-making, and this thesis argues that informal networks from among these three constituencies worked in parallel to the established formal channels, impacting policy and driving the decision-making process. These networks initially contributed to a break in the political consensus within the metropole, but eventually also helped to restore it. The manipulation of local elites was the tool of choice, used by Britain (under both Conservative and Labour Governments) and its "men on the spot", in their endeavour to secure a lasting privileged position in Arabia. How key actors adapted to change, both in their own societies and in the international system, often determined the success or otherwise of their endeavours. This tangled tale of Britain’s last imperial stand in Arabia is far from being a unique case of how modern empires have handled unusual episodes of imperial retreat. The story has echoes in two other imperial exits of the late 20^th century – the French disengagement from Algeria from 1954 to 1962, and Russian efforts to maintain a privileged position in Georgia, immediately before and after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, and since. Even if it is too early to draw firm conclusions, similar patterns – as the ones discussed in this thesis with regards to the end of the British Empire in Arabia – can also be observed in the other two cases, allowing us to draw some observations and lessons.

This thesis explores how the practice and profession of architecture was increasingly understood and discussed in terms of the public in the first half of the twentieth century through six case studies. In the age of universal suffrage, architects began to recognise that, in order for the profession to flourish, the built environment would have to respond to the demands of public opinion and publicity, and that design would need to appeal to the 'man in the street' if the profession was to establish its position in the new culture of democracy. 'Architecture and the Public in Interwar Britain' thus challenges the view that the mainstream of interwar British architecture was parochial and backward looking, and seeks to reintegrate the stories of many well-known but academically neglected projects and controversies into twentieth century architectural history, which remains dominated by attempts to nuance the privileged narrative of the growth and 'triumph' of Modernism and the International Style. Instead, I argue that architecture is better conceived as a broad discourse involving a number of agents of diverse positions and attitudes struggling with common critical and professional challenges. The first section of the thesis considers architecture in the Imperial Metropolis. After offering a re-reading of 66 Portland Place, the headquarters of the RIBA, through the lens of professional anxieties in the interwar years, it considers two controversial rebuilding projects: Regent Street and Waterloo Bridge. The thesis then considers architecture and publicity in the suburbs, offering close readings of factories along the new arterial roads out of London, in particular the Guinness Brewery and Gillette Factory amongst others. The final section of the thesis unpicks the idea of the civic centre in interwar Britain through the contrasting examples of Southampton Civic Centre and lastly Norwich City Hall.

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec la direction de Jean-Jacques Courtine à l'Université de Paris III Sorbonne Nouvelle sous la discipline anthropologie et avec la direction de Dominique Deslandres à l'Université de Montréal sous la discipline histoire / À cheval entre nature et culture, le poil et la chevelure humaine condensent un grand ensemble d’enjeux symboliques relevant de questions identitaires, religieuses, scientifiques, et autres. L’étude des discours et des pratiques concernant le poil représente, pour l’historien, une fenêtre sur l’évolution des mentalités d’une société donnée en ce qui concerne les perceptions de soi et de l’autre. S’inscrivant dans le courant intellectuel de l’histoire du corps, cette thèse s’intéresse plus précisément aux « systèmes trichologiques » dans la France de l’époque moderne (soit du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle). Elle se fonde sur l’analyse d’une grande variété de sources permettant de recouper différents types de discours touchant au poil : point de vue scientifique des médecins, physiognomonistes et historiens, point de vue prescriptif des traités d’éducation et de civilité, contrepoint exotique des récits de voyage et autres témoignages de « curiosités » ainsi qu’un suivi de l’évolution étymologique des mots pertinents au sein de dictionnaires et encyclopédies. La question centrale de cette thèse est celle du rôle du poil dans le façonnement de représentations servant à identifier, démarquer et hiérarchiser les groupes sociaux; et comment celles-ci évoluent de concert avec d’autres transformations historiques. Le premier chapitre s’intéresse au poil comme marqueur de différences individuelles. On y retrace une sorte de « langage » du poil, recensant les significations et connotations rattachées aux diverses manifestations pileuses : couleur, longueur, abondance, forme. Il y apparaît clairement que le poil joue un rôle important tant dans la mise en scène de soi que dans la lecture de l’apparence physique de l’autre. Le deuxième chapitre s’intéresse au poil en tant que marqueur de « genre ». On y examine la contribution des représentations de la pilosité dans la construction des identités masculines et féminines. Le poil s’interprète comme une manifestation extérieure de la nature des différents sexes et de leurs rôles dans la société, ce qui en fait un enjeu dans les relations de pouvoir entre les sexes et entre les gens du même sexe. Le troisième chapitre aborde le poil en ce qu’il permet de délimiter et hiérarchiser les classes sociales. On le voit participer aux modes et au processus de discipline des corps qui permettent aux élites, avec les perruques et le raffinement des conduites et des pratiques d’embellissement, de se distinguer autrement que par les vêtements. On retrace également une politique du poil qui s’étend au-delà du regard, l’état s’accordant le droit d’agir directement sur les corps – les chevelures, les poils – de ses sujets. Le dernier chapitre explore l’instrumentalisation du poil dans la construction d’un « autre » lointain et anormal : le sauvage d’outre-mer, l’enfant-loup, l’aberration de la nature. En caractérisant les poils de cas qu’ils situent aux frontières de l’humanité, les Français de l’Ancien régime exposent leurs propres présupposés sur la normalité et la civilisation. Cette thèse aboutit à un principe qui réunit et organise les signes de reconnaissance du poil à partir du regard construit et normé de ses propres poils que j’ai nommé « pilocentrisme ». Permettant de mettre en lumière le rôle du système pileux dans les modèles d’identification et de hiérarchisation, le concept de pilocentrisme peut ainsi servir de nouvelle catégorie d’analyse pour étudier les rapports de pouvoir dans l’histoire. / Both a natural and cultural phenomenon, human hair condenses a wide array of symbolic issues relating to notions of identity, religion, science, etc. The analysis of discourses and practices concerning hair affords the historian a window on the evolution of a given society’s attitudes towards the self and others. Following the historiographical current of the history of the body, this thesis examines the “trichological systems” of modern France (16th to 18th centuries). It is based on a wide variety of sources, allowing the comparison of different types of hair-related discourses: the scientific point of view of physicians, physiognomonists and historians; the prescriptive point of view of education and civility treatises; the exotic counterpoint of travel narratives and other writings on “curiosities”, as well as a review of the etymological evolution of relevant words in dictionaries and encyclopedias. The central question in this dissertation concerns the role of hair in the construction of representations used in identifying, distinguishing and ranking social groups; and how these representations evolve along with other historical transformations. The first chapter highlights hair’s role as marker of individual differences. A “language of hair” is exposed, inventorying meanings and connotations attached to the various factors of hairy manifestations: color, length, affluence, shape. The importance of hair in the staging of the self and the reading of others is highlighted. The second chapter explores the contribution of hair to the construction of gendered identities. Hair is interpreted as an outward sign of the sexes’ different natures and the confirmation of their respective social roles. As such, it is a tool in the negotiation of power between and within genders. The third chapter examines hair as it is used in the demarcation of social classes. It is seen as participating in the process of body discipline of the French elite. The use of wigs alongside refined hair care emphasized their distinction from lower classes beyond the traditional means of clothing. Direct state regulations on the hair of its subjects also show that trichological politics did not limit themselves to the gaze. The finale chapter highlights the instrumentalization of hair in the construction of faraway and abnormal “others”: the overseas savage, the wolf child, the natural aberration. By characterizing the hair of beings at the frontier of humanity, Ancien Régime French exposed their own presuppositions on normality and civilization. This dissertation develops the notion of “pilocentrism”, uniting and organizing the various modes of interpretation of hairs on the basis of the constructed and normed perception of one’s own. Shedding a new light on the role of hair representation systems on models of identification and hierarchisation, the notion of pilocentrism can serve as a new analytical category to study historical power dynamics.

The creation of fictional history in the tequila industry due to changes in government policy, trade agreements and big business.

The rise of neoliberalism in the 1970s played an important role in renewing interest in the role which the rule of law could have in fostering free markets and economic growth in the developing world. One prominent participant in this neoliberal movement, which might be termed the Project for Markets, was Hernando de Soto, a Peruvian businessman who championed the extension of formal property rights as a solution to the developing world’s ills. In so doing de Soto became an international celebrity venerated by global leaders who welcomed a straight-forward free market solution to complex developmental issues. This thesis explores how de Soto’s work on property formalization in the last three decades both reflected the core assumptions of the Project for Markets as well as many of its short-comings. To do this I will rely on a case study of Cairo, a city central to de Soto’s work, to argue that de Soto ignores both the variable ways in which property rights can function “on the ground” as well as the extent to which there is rarely a technical “quick-fix” for serious problems in a nation’s political economy.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Davis, 2006. / (UMI)AAI3250858. Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0683. Adviser: Clarence E. Walker.

Zugl.: Univ. of California, Diss., 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to determine how the role and identity of the Nonaligned Movement (NAM) changed during and after the Cold War. The demise of the Movement in the post-Cold War era, predicted by some scholars, is discussed. This study examines whether the Movement merely offered an alternative grouping during the Cold War. The issue that becomes evident with respect to the Cold War is to show the terror it brought about and how the Third World became the battleground of the Superpowers. The question as to what extent the role played by the Movement defused the Cold War is investigated. It is shown that the Movement sent emissaries to Washington and Moscow to resolve the German Crisis in 1961 and to reduce the arms race. A historical overview of the Movement is offered, which determines the role of Afro- Asianism in the birth of the Nonaligned Movement. It is explained that the 1955 Bandung conference gathered leaders from independent African and Asian states - with different foreign policies - which created energies that in the following years greatly affected Third World politics and the shaping of nonalignment. This study traces also the role of different gatherings of the Movement up to the Durban Summit of 1998. At issue are also participating countries in the 1961 Belgrade Summit, which are described, as well as the growth of the Movement's membership. Different goals of the Movement are examined. Some, like nuclear disarmament, the right to self-determination, peaceful coexistence, and the right for the Palestinians to a homeland, were adopted during the Cold War and still remain valid. Others, like protection of the environment, and the struggle for human rights, were implemented during the post-Cold War era. The détente allowed the Movement to launch a New International Economic Order. An attempt is made to show the failure and success of the Movement in this respect. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal hoe die rol en identiteit van die Onverbonde Beweging (NAM) tydens en na die Koue Oorlog verander het. Die ondergang van die Beweging in die na-Koue Oorlogse era soos deur sommige kenners voorspel is, word ook ondersoek. Die studie het probeer vasstelof die Beweging 'n alternatiewe groepering tydens die Koue Oorlog teweeg gebring het. Die kwessie met betrekking tot respect tot die Koue Oorlog bewys dat terreur meegebring word en hoe die Derde Wêreld die slagveld van die Supermoondhede gemaak het. Daar word ook gepoog om vas te stel tot watter mate die Beweging 'n rol gespeel het in die ontlonting van die Koue Oorlog. In die verband word onder andere verwys na die Beweging se pogings om die Duitse Krisis (1961) te ontlont en die wapenwedloop te beëindig deur die stuur van afgevaardigdes na Washington en Moskou. In 'n historiese oorsig van die Beweging word die rol wat 'n Afro-Asiatiese gevoel/gees in die stigting van die Onverbonde Beweging gespeel het, ondersoek. Die studie toon aan hoe die Bandung Konferensie van 1955 leiers van onafhanklike state van Afrika en Asië, wat uiteenlopende buitelandse beleidsrigtings gehad het, bymekaar gebring het. Hierdie uiteenlopendheid het 'n dinamika geskep wat Derde Wêreldse politiek en die aard van onverbondenheid wesenlik beinvloed het in die jare na die Konferensie. Verskeie byeenkomste van die Onverbonde Beweging tot en met die Durbanse spitsberaad (1998) word ontleed. Die samestelling en verloop van die spitsberaad in Belgrado in 1961 en die groei in die lidmaatskap van die Beweging kom onder andere onder die loep. Verskeie van die Beweging se doelwitte wat tydens die Koue Oorlog beslag gekry het en steeds geldig is, word onder die soeklig geplaas. Kernkrag ontwapening, die reg op selfbeskikking, vreedsame naasbestaan en die Palestyne se reg op 'n eie staat/tuisland is voorbeelde in die verband. Ander doelwitte van die beweging wat veral in die na-Koue Oorlogse era geimplementeer is, soos die bewaring en beskerming van die omgewing en die stryd om menseregte, word ook ondersoek. Die loodsing van 'n Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde deur die Beweging wat deur die détente van die na-Koue Oorlogse era moontlik gemaak is, word ook bespreek en die sukses en mislukking daarvan geëvalueer.

No description available.