Thesis (M. A.)--University of South Africa, Pretoria, 2002.

With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

不結盟運動與一般的國際組織不同，事實上該運動沒有組織章程、成員國間沒有締結條約、未明白設定目的、角色及成員的權利和義務，嚴格來說，不結盟運動僅是鬆散的、以共識取得結論的非正式國際性組織。此外，該運動也沒有強制遵行共識的條件，個別國家立場有一定差距，不結盟運動可說是一種「聚會」(get togther)而己。但不可否認，透過不結盟運動的協調並取得相當的共識及立場後，身為新興國家不結盟運動的成員在國際上的力量大幅加強，以「集體外交」之力而得以在國際舞台上擁有發言權和影響力。同時該運動也成為第三世界國家最重要的國際論壇。自一九六一年的第一屆不結盟運動高峰會議在南斯拉夫的貝爾格勒舉行以來，至今已召開第十屆高峰會議，在成員國的數目及高峰會議所提出的建議，質量兩方面都有顯著的成長。本文從國際關係的角度來分析不結盟運動三十餘年來的演變，將不結盟運動十屆高峰會議分四個階段來看。第一屆至第三屆高峰會議，為不結盟運動的草創階段。在這一時期（一九六○年代）國際關係正處於東西兩大集團對立的情況。為因應國際情勢，以埃及、印度、南斯拉夫為首的不結盟國家召開第一屆高峰會議，希望對當時危及世界和平安全的情況能發生影響，改善國際緊張情勢。不結盟運動議題便著重支持各地區的獨立解放運動、呼籲國際進行裁軍行動。一九七○年代不結盟高峰會議，展露頭角時期。不結盟國家將改變現存經濟結構的議題提出，一九七三年第四屆的高峰會議首度提出了「新國際經濟秩序」，希望透過發展中國家與開發國家的合作、技術交流、資本流通等各種方式減緩南北國家間經濟的差距所產生的衝突。隨後的幾屆高峰會議經濟議題都是不結盟國家所討論的重點。該議題是不結盟運動所提出最受國際社會熟知的議題，雖然開發國家所給予的配合改變仍相當有限，但不結盟國家確已對國際事務產生一定程度的影響。一九八○年代不結盟高峰會議，內部衝突階段。由於美國意圖主導國際局勢，而對第三世界國家如古巴、利比亞、以阿問題介入干預，不結盟國家對此大加抨擊，因而不斷重申「不干涉、不干預」的原則。然而同為不結盟國家的伊朗、伊拉克間的戰爭，更是不結盟運動深感棘手的問題。一九九○年代不結盟高峰會議，全新定位時期。一九八九年，國際關係進入全新的局面。東歐、蘇聯共產政權相繼倒台，東西對峙已成歷史。美國成為唯一強權，後冷戰時期到來，「新國際秩序」已然成形。不結盟運動形成的背景，已不復存在，「不結盟」的外交政策也失去。

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (South Asia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008. / Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey W. ; Lavoy, Peter R. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 16, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-103). Also available in print.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to determine how the role and identity of the Nonaligned Movement (NAM) changed during and after the Cold War. The demise of the Movement in the post-Cold War era, predicted by some scholars, is discussed. This study examines whether the Movement merely offered an alternative grouping during the Cold War. The issue that becomes evident with respect to the Cold War is to show the terror it brought about and how the Third World became the battleground of the Superpowers. The question as to what extent the role played by the Movement defused the Cold War is investigated. It is shown that the Movement sent emissaries to Washington and Moscow to resolve the German Crisis in 1961 and to reduce the arms race. A historical overview of the Movement is offered, which determines the role of Afro- Asianism in the birth of the Nonaligned Movement. It is explained that the 1955 Bandung conference gathered leaders from independent African and Asian states - with different foreign policies - which created energies that in the following years greatly affected Third World politics and the shaping of nonalignment. This study traces also the role of different gatherings of the Movement up to the Durban Summit of 1998. At issue are also participating countries in the 1961 Belgrade Summit, which are described, as well as the growth of the Movement's membership. Different goals of the Movement are examined. Some, like nuclear disarmament, the right to self-determination, peaceful coexistence, and the right for the Palestinians to a homeland, were adopted during the Cold War and still remain valid. Others, like protection of the environment, and the struggle for human rights, were implemented during the post-Cold War era. The détente allowed the Movement to launch a New International Economic Order. An attempt is made to show the failure and success of the Movement in this respect. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal hoe die rol en identiteit van die Onverbonde Beweging (NAM) tydens en na die Koue Oorlog verander het. Die ondergang van die Beweging in die na-Koue Oorlogse era soos deur sommige kenners voorspel is, word ook ondersoek. Die studie het probeer vasstelof die Beweging 'n alternatiewe groepering tydens die Koue Oorlog teweeg gebring het. Die kwessie met betrekking tot respect tot die Koue Oorlog bewys dat terreur meegebring word en hoe die Derde Wêreld die slagveld van die Supermoondhede gemaak het. Daar word ook gepoog om vas te stel tot watter mate die Beweging 'n rol gespeel het in die ontlonting van die Koue Oorlog. In die verband word onder andere verwys na die Beweging se pogings om die Duitse Krisis (1961) te ontlont en die wapenwedloop te beëindig deur die stuur van afgevaardigdes na Washington en Moskou. In 'n historiese oorsig van die Beweging word die rol wat 'n Afro-Asiatiese gevoel/gees in die stigting van die Onverbonde Beweging gespeel het, ondersoek. Die studie toon aan hoe die Bandung Konferensie van 1955 leiers van onafhanklike state van Afrika en Asië, wat uiteenlopende buitelandse beleidsrigtings gehad het, bymekaar gebring het. Hierdie uiteenlopendheid het 'n dinamika geskep wat Derde Wêreldse politiek en die aard van onverbondenheid wesenlik beinvloed het in die jare na die Konferensie. Verskeie byeenkomste van die Onverbonde Beweging tot en met die Durbanse spitsberaad (1998) word ontleed. Die samestelling en verloop van die spitsberaad in Belgrado in 1961 en die groei in die lidmaatskap van die Beweging kom onder andere onder die loep. Verskeie van die Beweging se doelwitte wat tydens die Koue Oorlog beslag gekry het en steeds geldig is, word onder die soeklig geplaas. Kernkrag ontwapening, die reg op selfbeskikking, vreedsame naasbestaan en die Palestyne se reg op 'n eie staat/tuisland is voorbeelde in die verband. Ander doelwitte van die beweging wat veral in die na-Koue Oorlogse era geimplementeer is, soos die bewaring en beskerming van die omgewing en die stryd om menseregte, word ook ondersoek. Die loodsing van 'n Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde deur die Beweging wat deur die détente van die na-Koue Oorlogse era moontlik gemaak is, word ook bespreek en die sukses en mislukking daarvan geëvalueer.

Using the case study of 21st century Piracy as it affects the small islands archipelagic state of the Seychelles, this paper sets the stage for a broader discussion on the sovereignty of small island states in international law. Sovereignty can be viewed through different lenses; sovereignty denied considers the many challenges faced by small island states and their claim to the traditional concept of sovereignty, as promoted during the decolonisation era and projected by the right of self determination. On the other hand sovereignty can also be yielded by small island states, where the jurisdiction of the state becomes a resource. This is demonstrated through the degree of international assistance afforded to the Seychelles in dealing with pirates and more generally, through the development of offshore companies in small island states. Consequently, this paper suggests that international law is both the problem and solution to the sovereignty of small island states.

Using the case study of 21st century Piracy as it affects the small islands archipelagic state of the Seychelles, this paper sets the stage for a broader discussion on the sovereignty of small island states in international law. Sovereignty can be viewed through different lenses; sovereignty denied considers the many challenges faced by small island states and their claim to the traditional concept of sovereignty, as promoted during the decolonisation era and projected by the right of self determination. On the other hand sovereignty can also be yielded by small island states, where the jurisdiction of the state becomes a resource. This is demonstrated through the degree of international assistance afforded to the Seychelles in dealing with pirates and more generally, through the development of offshore companies in small island states. Consequently, this paper suggests that international law is both the problem and solution to the sovereignty of small island states.

Die vorliegende Dissertation bietet eine anthropologische Perspektive auf die Beziehungen zwischen Jugoslawien und Indien während der Zeit der Blockfreien-Bewegung. Durch die Analyse verschiedener Archivmaterialien, einschließlich offizieller, privater und biographischer Quellen aus Print- und Bildmedien, bietet die Studie ein Korrektiv zu dem weit verbreiteten Argument, dass die Bewegung der Blockfreien Staaten die Ideale des Antiimperialismus, der gegenseitigen Zusammenarbeit und des friedlichen Zusammenlebens nicht erfüllt habe. Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die Analyse der Rolle von Freundschaften, kulturellen Beziehungen und verflochtenen Biographien bei der Herausbildung einer "Geographie der Affinität" zwischen Indien und Jugoslawien, die durch die kulturelle Infrastruktur der Blockfreien-Bewegung ermöglicht wurde. Der indische Dichter und Übersetzer Rabindranath Tagore, dessen Werk im 20. Jahrhundert einen erheblichen Einfluss auf den jugoslawischen Kontext hatte, ist ein Beispiel für die zentrale Funktion der Übersetzbarkeit für diesen kritischen, humanistisch geprägten Internationalismus. Tagores lebenslanges Interesse an der Erforschung transnationaler Affinitäten entsprang sowohl seiner Tätigkeit als Übersetzer seiner eigenen Werke als auch seiner unerlässlichen Suche nach übersetzten Werken anderer Künstler und Schriftsteller aus aller Welt. Die persönliche Begegnung zwischen Ileana Čura, einer jugoslawischen Wissenschaftlerin, und Amrita Pritam, einer indischen Dichterin, ist ein eindrückliches Beispiel dafür, wie das Streben nach Übersetzbarkeit neue Konstellationen von Freundschaft, Reisemöglichkeiten und gemeinsam imaginierten Zukünften entstehen ließ. All dies ist nach wie vor von grundlegendem Interesse für Forscher im jugoslawischen Kontext. Diese "vergangenen Zukünfte", die von Künstlern, Kuratoren, Archivaren und Aktivisten der Region entdeckt wurden, stellen wichtige Ressourcen für die Gestaltung eines Lebens nach dem Kommunismus dar. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, diese verschiedenen kulturellen Stimmen zusammenzubringen, um eine neue Perspektive auf die Blockfreien-Bewegung als einen wichtigen Ort zu werfen, an dem die globalen Verflechtungen Europas aus der marginalisierten Perspektive des ehemaligen Jugoslawien neu gedacht werden können. / This dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the connection between Yugoslavia and India during the period of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Drawing on an assemblage of archives, some official, some personal and biographical, some from print and visual media, this study offers a corrective to the widespread argument that the NAM did not live up to its ideals of anti-imperialism, mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence. This study focuses on the role of friendships, cultural ties and intertwined biographies in shaping a “geography of affinity” between India and Yugoslavia, which was enabled by the cultural infrastructures of the NAM. A crucial part of this critical and humanist internationalism is the idea of translatability, which was exemplified by the role of the Indian poet and translator, Rabindranath Tagore, who had a notable impact on the Yugoslav region for the entire century following the 1920’s. Tagore’s lifelong interest in exploring transnational affinities was driven by his own interest in translating his own work and in his incessant search for the translated works of artists and writers from different parts of the world. The personal encounter between Ileana Čura, a scholar from Yugoslavia, and Amrita Pritam, an Indian poet, is a powerful example of the way in which the quest for translatability created possibilities for friendship, travel, and imagined futures, which continues to be of vital interest to critical thinkers in the Yugoslav region. Artists, curators, archivists and activists from this region are unearthing these “past futures” as critical resources for life after communism. This dissertation is a study which joins these cultural voices in looking at the NAM as an important site for rethinking the global entanglements of Europe, from the marginalized perspective of what used to be Yugoslavia.