Honoré de Balzac est aujourd’hui connu pour être le père du roman moderne et l’écrivain de La Comédie humaine. Mais nous oublions souvent qu’entre 1830 et 1832, au début de sa carrière, l’auteur a écrit, comme plusieurs écrivains de son temps, des contes. De multiples facteurs peuvent expliquer cet intérêt : les Contes fantastiques d’Hoffmann sont traduits de l’allemand en français et leur succès est immédiat. De plus, les nouveaux modes de publication littéraire, dans les revues et les journaux, favorisent la prolifération du genre. Un corpus retiendra notre attention : Les Cent Contes drolatiques, un projet, impopulaire en son temps, avec lequel Balzac souhaite « restaurer l’école du rire » en France. Au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle, l’auteur recrée des contes comme ceux que Rabelais, Verville et la reine de Navarre écrivaient en leur temps, trois ou quatre siècles auparavant. Pour ce faire, Balzac invente un langage qui simule le vieux français et crée des personnages grotesques. Qu’est-ce, dans l’écriture balzacienne, que l’esthétique du rire, et comment l’auteur exprime-t-il ce concept dans ses Cent Contes drolatiques? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous étudierons les manifestations du grotesque dans l’ensemble de l’œuvre de l’auteur. Aussi, selon Mikhaïl Bakhtine, dans L’Œuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen Âge et sous la Renaissance , le grotesque, uni au rire, est relié au corps : « Le trait marquant du réalisme grotesque est le rabaissement, c’est-à-dire le transfert de tout ce qui est élevé, spirituel, idéal et abstrait sur le plan matériel et corporel. » Par conséquent, ce sont les représentations du corps que nous examinerons dans ce travail. Finalement, l’étude du corps grotesque dans Les Cent Contes drolatiques montrera une autre facette de l’écriture balzacienne, souvent ignorée par les chercheurs : l’importance du rire et la vision du monde que celui-ci communique à travers la littérature. / Honoré de Balzac is mostly acknowledged, today, as the father of the novel and as the writer of La Comédie humaine. But we often forget that between 1830 and 1832, at the beginning of his career, the author wrote, mainly and like many writers of his time, short stories. Multiple factors can explain that interest, for example, Hoffman’s Contes fantastiques had been translated from German to French and their success was immediate. Moreover, the new mediums of literary publication, in magazines and newspapers, favoured the proliferation of the genre. One corpus will keep our attention through these pages: Les Cent Contes drolatiques, a project, unpopular in his time, with which Balzac aimed to « restaurer l’école du rire » in France. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the author recreated short stories like the ones that Rabelais, Verville and the reine de Navarre have written in their time, three or four centuries before. To do so, Balzac invented a language that simulated the old French and created grotesque characters. What is, in Honoré de Balzac’s work, the aesthetic of laugh, and how does the author express that concept in his Cent Contes drolatiques? To answer these questions, we will study the manifestations of the grotesque in the entire production of the writer. Also, according to Mikhaïl Bakhtine, in L’Œuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen Âge et sous la Renaissance , the grotesque, linked to laugh, is related to the body : « Le trait marquant du réalisme grotesque est le rabaissement, c’est-à-dire le transfert de tout ce qui est élevé, spirituel, idéal et abstrait sur le plan matériel et corporel. » Consequently, it is the representations of the body that, in a further reflection, we will examine. Finally, the study of the grotesque body in Les Cent Contes drolatiques will show another facet of Balzac’s writing, often ignored by researchers : the importance of laughter and the vision of the world that it communicates through literature.

À l'exception de Le Confessioni di un italiano, le roman le plus célèbre d'Ippolito Nievo (1831-1861), - et d'une partie de sa production poétique – Le poesie garibaldine- , les œuvres de Nievo sont encore, en grande partie, étudies selon l'image du début du XXe siècle fixée par Dino Mantovani. Le premier biographe de Nievo a voulu relever dans ses œuvres une dimension poétique et esthétique liée au Romantisme, auxquelles s'ajoute un arrière fond politique. Cet portrait a marqué la tendance de la critique italienne à lire et relire Nievo comme l'écrivain qui a donné les plus belles pages de la littérature du Risorgimento, mais, en même temps, qui n'a jamais eu une propre et véritable dimension intellectuelle. Mais, depuis le lancement de l'Edition Nationale de l'Œuvres d'Ippolito Nievo en 2005 à Padoue, cette image a commencé lentement a changer. Il y a eu un revirement critique signalé par la décision de publier comme premiers titres les comédies Pindaro Pulcinella et Le Invasioni moderne, soulignant la volonté d'ouvrir les études aux textes moins connus qui avaient été sacrifiés et, parfois, jamais publies au XXe siècle. Cette approche, donc, a engendré une revalorisation et une redécouverte de toute sa production romanesque, poétique et journalistique. Par conséquence il à été possible pénétrer totalement sa pratique d'écriture. Quant à ce sujet il s'arrive que Nievo avait l'habitude de rédiger en même temps des textes de nature très différente: des poèmes et des roman, des articles et des lettres. Cette pratique a mise à jour la naturelle tendance à abattre les confins entre les genres.Pour ce qui concerne les œuvres théâtrales, dont nous proposons l'édition critique (la comédie I « Beffeggiatori » et les brouillons pour une comédie en vers « Don Giovanni » et un livret d'opéra « Consuelo ») cette absence de confins est encore plus évidente. D'une manière générale on peut affirmer que Nievo n'a jamais regardé au théâtre contemporain, mais il a fondé sa dramaturgie sur des éléments très éloignes entre eux: la tradition goldonienne pour la fonction des personnages par rapport à certaines situations (par exemple la typologie du moquer ou des amoureux), la production romanesque française de Honoré de Balzac, de Stendhal et de George Sand pour la structure des relations entre les personnages et pour le choix des thèmes d'actualité (par exemple la description ironique du pouvoir politique de l'aristocratie). Donc il apparaît aujourd'hui que, même si Nievo n'avait jamais quitte l'Italie, sa dimension existentielle et intellectuelle était complètement européenne. Il s'agit d'une double identité littéraire et nationale ambiguë, qui dénoue très clairement la complexité de l'écrivain italien. / For a long time Ippolito Nievo’s (1831-1861) theatrical production was considered less important than his work of narrative and was considered as “juvenile work”. On the contrary, during the last ten years of the Nineteenth century, it was reconsidered and it brought to the discovery of several comic texts, such as Le Invasioni Moderne and Il Pindaro Pulcinella, which have showed Nievo’s cleverness in writing plays for the theatre.The edition of the last unpublished production, which is presented in this essay, completes and broadens the studies done on Nievo’s theatre, at the same time, opening several doors for a possible reconsideration of some critical points of Nievo’s literary aesthetics. From the study of the unpublished texts produced before Le Confessioni di un Italiano, in fact, Nievo’s dependence on French literature appeared, especially Balzac, Stendhal and George Sand. The setting of I Beffeggiatori –a political comedy which portrays Italy in 1852-1853 – and its study of the characters recalls the Chartreuse de Parme by Stendhal, his ironical glance at political happenings told by Balzac and it moves away totally from contemporary comic theatre. Don Giovanni –notes for a comic text in verses- results from Stendhalian considerations on the figure of the Seduttore, considerations which we can find in the De l’Amour and in the short story Les Cenci; but Don Giovanni also results from the whole French post-Byron tradition of the myth. Consuelo – the libretto- reveals a clear and evident Sandian matrix in its plot and allows to formulate a theory on the aesthetic Nievian music, full of Mazzinian considerations, well known to Sand too.The edition of these texts has allowed to reformulate some judgements on the origin of Nievo’s irony, even in L’Afrodisiaco per l’amor platonico and in Lettere a Matilde, underlining a matrix which is decidedly and only French.

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Honoré de Balzac est aujourd’hui connu pour être le père du roman moderne et l’écrivain de La Comédie humaine. Mais nous oublions souvent qu’entre 1830 et 1832, au début de sa carrière, l’auteur a écrit, comme plusieurs écrivains de son temps, des contes. De multiples facteurs peuvent expliquer cet intérêt : les Contes fantastiques d’Hoffmann sont traduits de l’allemand en français et leur succès est immédiat. De plus, les nouveaux modes de publication littéraire, dans les revues et les journaux, favorisent la prolifération du genre. Un corpus retiendra notre attention : Les Cent Contes drolatiques, un projet, impopulaire en son temps, avec lequel Balzac souhaite « restaurer l’école du rire » en France. Au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle, l’auteur recrée des contes comme ceux que Rabelais, Verville et la reine de Navarre écrivaient en leur temps, trois ou quatre siècles auparavant. Pour ce faire, Balzac invente un langage qui simule le vieux français et crée des personnages grotesques. Qu’est-ce, dans l’écriture balzacienne, que l’esthétique du rire, et comment l’auteur exprime-t-il ce concept dans ses Cent Contes drolatiques? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous étudierons les manifestations du grotesque dans l’ensemble de l’œuvre de l’auteur. Aussi, selon Mikhaïl Bakhtine, dans L’Œuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen Âge et sous la Renaissance , le grotesque, uni au rire, est relié au corps : « Le trait marquant du réalisme grotesque est le rabaissement, c’est-à-dire le transfert de tout ce qui est élevé, spirituel, idéal et abstrait sur le plan matériel et corporel. » Par conséquent, ce sont les représentations du corps que nous examinerons dans ce travail. Finalement, l’étude du corps grotesque dans Les Cent Contes drolatiques montrera une autre facette de l’écriture balzacienne, souvent ignorée par les chercheurs : l’importance du rire et la vision du monde que celui-ci communique à travers la littérature. / Honoré de Balzac is mostly acknowledged, today, as the father of the novel and as the writer of La Comédie humaine. But we often forget that between 1830 and 1832, at the beginning of his career, the author wrote, mainly and like many writers of his time, short stories. Multiple factors can explain that interest, for example, Hoffman’s Contes fantastiques had been translated from German to French and their success was immediate. Moreover, the new mediums of literary publication, in magazines and newspapers, favoured the proliferation of the genre. One corpus will keep our attention through these pages: Les Cent Contes drolatiques, a project, unpopular in his time, with which Balzac aimed to « restaurer l’école du rire » in France. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the author recreated short stories like the ones that Rabelais, Verville and the reine de Navarre have written in their time, three or four centuries before. To do so, Balzac invented a language that simulated the old French and created grotesque characters. What is, in Honoré de Balzac’s work, the aesthetic of laugh, and how does the author express that concept in his Cent Contes drolatiques? To answer these questions, we will study the manifestations of the grotesque in the entire production of the writer. Also, according to Mikhaïl Bakhtine, in L’Œuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen Âge et sous la Renaissance , the grotesque, linked to laugh, is related to the body : « Le trait marquant du réalisme grotesque est le rabaissement, c’est-à-dire le transfert de tout ce qui est élevé, spirituel, idéal et abstrait sur le plan matériel et corporel. » Consequently, it is the representations of the body that, in a further reflection, we will examine. Finally, the study of the grotesque body in Les Cent Contes drolatiques will show another facet of Balzac’s writing, often ignored by researchers : the importance of laughter and the vision of the world that it communicates through literature.

<p>Abstract</p><p>The album phenomenon developed in France and Spain and lasted throughout the entire nineteenth century. Albums were books with blank pages in which the owner collected contributions in the form of poetry, drawings, and music scores. These works were created for album owners by friends, acquaintances, and sometimes even suitors, and were meant to pay tribute to them. It is possible to imagine the album as a space of intense social and economic rivalry, in which owners of the books competed with one another to obtain the most luxurious books, and to fill them with the greatest number of entries from renowned artists. Similarly, contributors implicitly competed with one another to create the highest quality entries and contribute to albums that advanced their status as artists. However, established writers did not need further publicity, and many complained about the hassle of the constant request for contributions. To highlight the scope of the album phenomenon, and the frustration it caused writers and artists, José Zorrilla denounced album entry requests, stating that he had been solicited for album contributions a total of 188,000 times in his life. Honoré de Balzac condemned the album fashion even more fervently, declaring: "To hell with all albums." </p><p>I study the album as a practice that provides important information regarding gender, economic, and artistic exchanges in the milieus in which it flourished. My approach is based on the study of different types of texts. First, I analyze three essays on social customs that present the album from a perspective that mixes journalism and satire: Victor-Joseph Etienne de Jouy's 1811 essays "Des Album" and "Recherches sur l'Album et sur le chiffonier sentimental," and Mariano José de Larra's 1835 essay "El album." I use these essays to formulate a contextual theory on the album. I also examine nineteenth-century albums that I consulted in archives in France and Spain. Studying both the material construction of the albums and the contributions included in them, I try to understand the social and economic determinants of this social custom. Through the album entries, I explore the artistic networks established through, and exploited by, the album phenomenon, which were essential for successfully collecting contributions. Finally, I analyze fictional texts in which the album serves as a pivotal plot element used to shape the development of the stories and the roles of the protagonists. In my analysis of literary texts that portray the album, I focus on the establishment of gender and economic exchanges in this practice. I explore the imposition of traditional gender roles in the album phenomenon, according to which women were exclusively album owners and men were contributors. In my analysis of fictional texts, I also examine the economic aspect of this practice, reflecting upon the social class of the fictional characters involved in it. The literary texts that I study are: Honoré de Balzac's La Muse du département (1837), Manuel Bretón de los Herreros' El poeta y la beneficiada. Comedia en dos actos (1838) and El cuarto de hora. Comedia en cinco actos (1848), Juan de Ariza's "Historia de un album" (1847), Henri de Meilhac's L'autographe. Comédie en un acte (1858), Antonio Flores' "Cuadro cincuenta y uno. Placeres de sobremesa" (1863), José María de Pereda's Pedro Sánchez (1883), Juan López Valdemoro's "El álbum" (1886), and Leopoldo Alas `Clarín''s "Album-abanico" (1898). </p><p>The nineteenth century saw the rise of consumer culture and the proliferation of objects, such as cardholders, parasols, fans, pocket watches, and other trinkets. The album is at once part of this plethora of nineteenth-century objects and yet it is also distinct, in that it was a special piece of material culture that promoted a particular type of personal communication and required the creation of textual production. The album was established as a unique cultural manifestation, the study of which allows for a reconstruction of different types of social dynamics in its milieu. </p><p>Due to the complexity and richness of this object-centered practice, and the ways in which it developed, the album offers multiple analytical possibilities, as a social, historical, and literary phenomenon. One of the most significant contributions of this project lies in its transnational perspective and in its comparative analysis of different types of texts: essays on social customs, literary texts, and personal collections that survive in archival albums. The study of the exchanges that were fostered, and capitalized upon, through the album fashion is essential for understanding notions of private and public and collection as a practice. My analysis of the album yields invaluable insights into gender and class dynamics, ideas of art, and visual and material culture in nineteenth-century France and Spain.</p> / Dissertation

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Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2018-03-22T14:26:00Z (GMT) / Submitted by Lilian Tigre Lima null (liliandelima17@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-27T15:10:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Lilian_Tigre_Lima.pdf: 8615154 bytes, checksum: 1a1256660e6bede5a419e2a8554ecbec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Elza Mitiko Sato null (elzasato@ibilce.unesp.br) on 2018-03-27T18:27:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_lt_me_sjrp.pdf: 8589024 bytes, checksum: 8397cc725518b82303947d92a6d8a53b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-27T18:27:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_lt_me_sjrp.pdf: 8589024 bytes, checksum: 8397cc725518b82303947d92a6d8a53b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-21 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O presente trabalho de Mestrado propõe um novo olhar para a relação de José de Alencar com o seu leitor. Em termos mais específicos, o objetivo deste trabalho foi debater em que medida a leitura de Honoré de Balzac no Brasil, um dos modelos do Alencar urbano, antecede a leitura de José de Alencar, como se tem pensado, e, em que medida, o romancista brasileiro, ao se apropriar dessa literatura ainda desconhecida pelo público de língua portuguesa por aqui, contribui para a criação e educação do “gosto” dessa parcela do público leitor de romances. Para se chegar à confirmação dessa hipótese inicial, a pesquisa tem se debruçado sobre dois eixos de investigação. No primeiro deles, centrado nos aspectos literários propriamente ditos, analisa-se, a partir dos romances Eugénie Grandet (1833), de Balzac, e Senhora (1875), de Alencar, os esforços do escritor brasileiro por extrapolar a técnica do mestre francês no que diz respeito ao tratamento dos dramas humanos, bem como o empenho do romancista no que diz respeito à compreensão e ficcionalização do quadro social brasileiro oitocentista. No segundo e principal eixo deste trabalho, por sua vez, as atenções são voltadas para as fontes primárias, tais quais primeiras edições, cuja análise abre novos caminhos para o conhecimento dos modos de produção, divulgação e recepção da literatura no período, e, consequentemente, para uma compreensão mais diversificada da História Cultural brasileira desse mesmo período. Colocando em cheque o conceito de fonte e de influência, a dicotomia entre periferia e centro, bem como a ideia convencional de atraso, este trabalho, ao posicionar José de Alencar no centro da formação de um público, convida a se repensar o papel do escritor também na formação de um sistema literário no Brasil, mostrando que muito se ganha ao tornar prismática a ideia de que o contato do leitor brasileiro com os romances europeus preexistiu à leitura dos romances nacionais. / This Master’s work proposes a new look at the relationship of José de Alencar with his reader. In more specific terms, the objective of this work was to discuss the extent to which the reading of Honoré de Balzac in Brazil, one of the models of the urban Alencar, precedes the reading of José de Alencar, as has been thought, and, to what extent, the Brazilian novelist, by appropriating this literature still unknown by the Portuguese-speaking public here, contributes to the creation and education of the taste of this part of the reading public of novels. In order to arrive at the confirmation of this initial hypothesis, the research has focused on two axes of investigation. In the first one, centered on the literary aspects, from the novels Eugénie Grandet (1833), by Balzac, and Senhora (1875), by Alencar, it is analyzed the efforts of the Brazilian writer to extrapolate the technique of the French master with regard to the treatment of the human dramas, as well as the novelist’s commitment to the understanding and fictionalization of the nineteenth century Brazilian social context. In the second and main axis of this work, the attention is focused on the primary sources, whose analysis opens new paths for the knowledge of modes of production, dissemination and reception of literature in the period, and, consequently, for a more diversified understanding of the Brazilian Cultural History of the same period. Putting in check the concept of source and influence, the dichotomy between periphery and center, as well as the conventional idea of delay, this work, by placing José de Alencar at the center of the formation of an audience, invites to rethink the role of the writer also in the formation of a literary system in Brazil, showing that much is gained by making prismmatic the idea that the contact of the Brazilian reader with the European romances preexisted the reading of the national novels. / FAPESP n° 2015/24023-5

Lʼœuvre littéraire dʼHonoré de Balzac témoigne dʼune profonde connaissance du système judiciaire et dʼune grande réflexion à son sujet. La violence et le crime, certainement pas les côtés les plus reluisants de lʼHomme, font tout de même partie intégrante de la société. Puisque Balzac a lʼambition de montrer la nature humaine telle quʼelle est, il consent à peindre le meurtre sans euphémismes. Loin de rejeter entièrement lʼesthétique romantique sanglante, il décrit le crime comme une action fondamentalement ambivalente, cʼest-à-dire, quʼil ne le condamne pas absolument ni ne le défend ouvertement. Nous retrouvons dans Balzac ce dont très peu dʼécrivains, et encore moins de philosophes, savent rendre compte : la complexité même de la vie. Lʼengagement social de Balzac invite à penser sa façon de mettre le meurtre en fiction en rapport au contexte sociologique et historique de ses œuvres. Dans la réflexion balzacienne sur le meurtre, quatre thèmes importants reviennent constamment : lʼargent (aspect économique), la jeunesse, la famille (aspects sociaux) et le remords (aspect moral). La dimension philosophique de La Comédie humaine justifie, quant à elle, le choix dʼune lecture également philosophique de lʼœuvre de Balzac. Les meurtres de quatre nouvelles appartenant aux Études philosophiques (El Verdugo, LʼAuberge rouge, Les Marana et Un drame au bord de la mer), assurent une pensée multiple sur des thèmes tels que la justice, le droit, le nom de famille, lʼhonneur, la culpabilité et le glissement dʼune société ancienne vers une société nouvelle dominée par lʼargent. / The literary work of Honoré de Balzac testifies to a deep knowledge and reflection of the judicial system. Violence and crime, certainly not the brightest sides of humanity, are nevertheless an integral part of society. Since Balzacʼs ambition is to show human nature as it is, he agrees to depict murder without euphemisms. Far from entirely rejecting the bloody romantic aesthetic, he describes crime as a fundamentally ambivalent action, meaning that he neither absolutely condemns it nor openly defends it. We find in Balzac what very few writers, and even fewer philosophers, can account for : the very complexity of life itself. Balzacʼs social commitment invites us to think about his way of putting murder in fiction in relation to the sociological and historical context of his works. In Balzacʼs reflections on murder, four important themes constantly recur : money (economic aspect), youth, family (social aspects) and remorse (moral aspect). The philosophical dimension of La Comédie humaine justifies the choice of an equally philosophical reading of Balzacʼs work. The murders of four short stories belonging to the Études philosophiques (El Verdugo, LʼAuberge rouge, Les Marana and Un drame au bord de la mer), ensure a multiple reflection on themes such as justice, law, family name, honour, guilt and the shift from an old society to a new money-dominated society.

The following is a meta-commentary of the article, “Marriage and the City: Fatal Displacement in La Maison du chat-qui-pelote,” co-authored by Dr. Anca Mitroi Sprenger and myself, Laurel Cummins. The article will soon be submitted for publication, and this commentary contains an annotated bibliography of all our primary and secondary sources as well as an account of the origin of the argument and the process of writing the article. Our article is based upon an analysis of La Maison du chat-qui-pelote, a story authored by Honoré de Balzac within his seminal collection La Comédie humaine. In the article, we analyze the theme of fatal displacement in La Maison du chat-qui-pelote as an allegory of the repressions of nineteenth-century modernity. The theme is presented through the tumultuous marriage of the bourgeois protagonist, Augustine Guillaume, to the aristocrat artist, Théodore de Sommervieux, and through Augustine's literal movement within the city of Paris that ensues after their marriage (from her home, the Chat-qui-Pelote, to her husband's home, her attempted return to the Chat-qui-Pelote, and her visit to her husband's mistress). We demonstrate that these displacements are not only the source of Augustine's premature death but are emblematic of the perishing past in a post-revolutionary, modern Paris. Our development of this conclusion comes through a close analysis of the principal text itself as well as of the literal and figurative displacements that occur throughout to the main character, Augustine. In studying these displacements, we consider not only the social structures and institutions at the time of the novel but the detailed images of the past that anchor Augustine in traditions that do not let her transition into modernity. We examine the portrayal of marriage in La Maison du chat-qui-pelote as it coincides to the ideals of marriage in pre and post-Revolution periods. We likewise consider the various geographical areas (as pinpointed by specific roads provided by the author) as a way of understanding the historical background and the effect of displacement from various areas of Paris to others. The title of the story (which references the sign outside of the protagonist's house), the Chat-qui-Pelote, also offers rich symbolism that, when deciphered, substantiates our claim that this story goes far beyond an unfortunate marriage caused by class disparity. Instead, Augustine's trajectory in the story, she being the human embodiment and relic of ancient French traditions, alludes to a foundational inability for past ways of French life to survive in modernity.

La présente thèse est une discussion sur l’aspect de roman-critique de l’œuvre de Marcel Proust, À la recherche du temps perdu (1913-1927). Tout d’abord entamée sous forme de fragments critiques intitulés le Contre Sainte-Beuve, elle se voit, au cours de la rédaction, transformée en un roman. Cette évolution est clairement visible à travers les nombreuses réflexions sur la littérature présentes dans l’œuvre, mais quelle en est la signification ? Notre hypothèse est que l’intérêt de Proust est passé du discours monologique de la critique à celui de la description romanesque des mœurs autour de la littérature. Afin de la justifier, nous examinons les divers aspects des personnages qui parlent de la littérature : nous analysons la manière dont ils évoquent Mme de Sévigné, le duc de Saint-Simon, Victor Hugo et Honoré de Balzac, les quatre écrivains les plus fréquemment mentionnés. Nous comprenons ainsi, que les opinions manifestées par les personnages représentent la réception de chacun des auteurs en question, réception liée à leur caractère et rôle dans le roman. Nous constatons donc que Proust fait avant tout une description de différentes attitudes concernant la littérature sous forme de roman, que la démonstration de ses propres opinions sous forme d’essai critique. / In this thesis, we discuss the aspect of “critique-novel” of Marcel Proust’s À la recherche du temps perdu (1913-1927). Proust originally undertook this novel as a series of fragments of critique that are titled le Contre Sainte-Beuve, but in the process of writing, the uncompleted fragments slid to a novel. This origin partly accounts for the plenty of references to literary works in this roman. Then, what is the point of the transformation from a critique to a novel? Our hypothesis is that this transformation occurs due to the transition of Proust’s main interest—from the monological narration of the critique towards the dialogical and descriptive discourse of the novel of manners, in which characters are concerned with literature in their own way. In order to demonstrate the hypothesis, we examine various aspects of characters who talk of literature in the novel, analyzing their opinion for four most frequently referred authors, Madame de Sévigné, duke de Saint-Simon, Hugo and Balzac. This approach has enabled us to find that the characters’ opinions represent the reception of the authors in question, and that the opinions have a role of typifying and situating the characters in the plot. Therefore we can conclude that Proust chose to draw the behavior of people around literature with the form of novel instead of simply stating his own idea.

Dans les années 1830, l’image de Sade apparaît dans le roman noir. La révolte de Juillet fait écho à la Révolution de 1789. Le régime de Louis-Philippe dirige la France dans une période de transition. Les émeutes ponctuelles et le choléra de 1832 déterminent la tonalité sombre de l’imaginaire de la souffrance et du mal à l’époque. Le mouvement romantique rencontre Sade dans cette période difficile de l’évolution sociale. Les Jeunes-France, qualifiés un siècle plus tard par les surréalistes de petits romantiques, mettent en avant Sade face aux critiques des moralistes. L’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien apparaissent dans leurs romans noirs, genre indéfinissable au centre de différents versants littéraires, le roman gothique, le conte fantastique et le roman historique. La légende de la vie de Sade se forme à la fin du XVIIIe siècle dans les gazettes et dans les enquêtes de police. Il est vu par ses contemporains, Rétif de La Bretonne, par exemple, comme un libertin criminel, resté impuni sous l’Ancien Régime et un écrivain aliéné de la littérature libertine et perverse. Sade est également lié à la Révolution. Il a survécu à la Terreur de 1793 et son atrocité féodale est comparée à la cruauté de Danton et de Robespierre. Au tournant de 1830, Sade prisonnier en tant que victime de l’arbitraire de l’Empire est découvert par Charles Nodier dans ses recherches historiques. Celui-ci définit le terme « sadisme » dans le dictionnaire en 1834. La même année, les différentes facettes de l’image de Sade sont enfin abordées par Jules Janin dans son article biographique. Les jeunes romantiques explorent avec une certaine timidité les images de Sade dans leurs romans noirs. Dans les contes noirs et le roman historique de Pétrus Borel, Sade représente non seulement l’atrocité et la corruption de la cour de Louis XV, mais également la violence du déchaînement révolutionnaire. Chez Balzac, Sade et ses œuvres signifient une collaboration de la littérature érotique avec le récit noir. Dans les boudoirs balzaciens, se mettent en scène les crimes frénétiques et les perversions transgressives. Dans les romans noirs de Frédéric Soulié sous la forme du feuilleton, l’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien sont utilisés pour décrire la monstruosité sociale. Le sadisme est popularisé dans l’univers des mœurs corrompues. / The revolt of July in 1830 echoed the Revolution of 1789 and the rule of Louis-Philippe took France into a period of transition where the punctual riots and the cholera epidemic in 1832 was reflected in the dark tones of the image of sufferings and evil of that time. The romantic movement merged with the image of Sade in this difficult period of social evolution. The Jeunes-France, one century later qualified by the surrealists as petits romantiques, used the image of Sade to face down the critics of the moralists. It was during these turbulent times the image of Sade emerged in the black novel, an undefined genre in different literary tendencies, including the gothic novel, the fantastic tale and the historical novel. The legend of Sade’s life took its form at the end of 18th century in the gazettes and political inquiries. He was seen by his contemporaries, for example, Rétif de La Bretonne, that as a criminal libertine, one unpunished by the Ancien Régime, and was considered the insane writer of the libertine and perverse literature. Sade is related to the Revolution. Surviving the Terror of 1793, his feudal fury was compared to the cruelty of Danton and Robespierre. At the beginning of the 1830’s, the writings of Sade the prisoner, victim of an Empire, was discovered by Charles Nodier in his historical research. He defined the term “sadism” in the dictionary in 1834. In the same year, the multiple faces of the image of Sade were recorded by Jules Janin in his biographical article. The young romantic poets timidly explored the images of Sade in their black novels. Within these tales and within the historical novel of Pétrus Borel, Sade represented not only the atrocity and corruption of the Louis XV’s court, but also the violence of the revolutionary rampage. For Balzac, Sade and his work signified a collaboration of the erotic literature with the black story and in Balzac’s boudoirs, the frantic crimes and the transgressive perversions set the scenes. In the black novels of Frédéric Soulié in the form of the feuilleton, the image and the imaginary of Sade was used to describe the social monstrosity. The sadism was popularized in the universe of corrupted morals.