Within the United States Army, it is estimated that as many as 10,000 soldiers are Muslim. However, in 2008, only 3,086 active duty personnel self-identified as Muslim. Following the attacks of September 11 and more recently, the 2009 Fort Hood shooting, there has been a marked shift in the general public’s perception toward Muslim citizens, and for American soldiers whom are Muslim; they have been placed in incredibly difficult circumstances. In this report, I aim to document the experiences of soldiers who are Muslim within the U.S. Armed Forces, and report on their struggles, successes and lives, in an era when Islamic terrorist and extremist groups are considered to be the United States nemesis. A vast majority of soldiers never encounter prejudice or experience religious or ethnic discrimination, but some do. And for soldiers who face prejudice in the military based on their religion or ethnicity, there is often little internal protection available from the higher chain of command. The problem may be relatively small in scope with regard to the number of soldiers affected on a daily basis, but fundamentally important constitutional rights are at stake in these cases of institutional lack of protection / text

In his seminal work The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B DuBois aptly states, "The Preacher is the most unique personality developed by the Negro on American soil." At once a spiritual leader, social-political activist, educator, idealist, and businessman, the antebellum black preacher was the idiosyncratic product of a soil contaminated with racism and sullied with hate. Despite this antagonistic environment, what enabled his ascension to the head of black culture was "a certain adroitness with deep-seated earnestness" and "tact with consummate ability." As shepherd and statesman, the black preacher embodied virtues and talents representative of the potential of his people and set the standards for community investment and civic action. He was the model of character for the race. My dissertation introduces scholars to an overlooked yet monumental institution in African American history, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, as well as two of its pioneering preacher-politicians, Bishop Jermain W. Loguen and Bishop James W. Hood. My study of these nineteenth-century AME Zion preacher-politicians exposes overlooked features of black rhetoric, challenges predominant perceptions of the black preaching tradition, and provides an alternative perspective on how to examine the persuasive appeals of black rhetoricians. Through rhetorical analyses of letters, speeches, and sermons--archival materials from the Schomburg Library and Union Theological Seminary in New York--I show that in addition to employing emotional appeals to draw the sympathies of whites and allay the lamentations of blacks, these black ministers also effectively wielded logical arguments to demonstrate their capabilities as reasoners in philosophical debates and intellectuals with original thoughts. However, most importantly, these black preachers' ethical appeals in written texts, public sermons and speeches, and actions as model citizens served multiple practical and salutary ends for the uplift of African Americans. / text

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007.

O bairro Restinga, criado em meados dos anos setenta a partir de loteamentos e políticas de remoção de favelas possui uma territorialidade espacial e social marcada pela diferença e o estigma. O bairro é, freqüentemente, alvo de pesquisas acadêmicas e já foi escolhida como plano piloto para um projeto de segurança pública municipal A ambivalência das políticas de urbanização dividiu a Restinga em duas áreas, a “Velha” e a “Nova”. A necessidade de mobilização por melhorias nas condições de vida no bairro ativou o trabalho redes sociais que gerenciam e executam o que será chamado aqui de micropolíticas para a juventude. Estas redes são constituídas por cidadãos que trabalham com hip-hop, mídias alternativas, promotoras legais populares, antigos líderes comunitários e professores e professoras de escolas municipais. São consideradas aqui micropolíticas atividades alternativas e realizadas em espaços intermediários ou em colaboração às políticas estatais como metodologia para atingir a população jovem e promover o debate sobre temas pertinentes à realidade do bairro: educação ambiental, direitos humanos, democratização dos meios de comunicação, violência escolar. Estas micropolíticas são executadas de diversas formas: eventos culturais, protestos, negociações com o poder público, e principalmente, oficinas. Esta pesquisa procura descrever o trabalho destes cidadãos seus conflitos com as políticas públicas, a partir de entrevistas, observações de campo, e participação em atividades da comunidade e acompanhamento de uma lista de discussões telemática. A pesquisa inclui uma reflexão sobre o conceito de juventude, as políticas públicas no Brasil, a história do bairro e a análise das micropolíticas na Restinga Os resultados mostram que as políticas públicas e as instituições tradicionais servem como alavancas para as iniciativas dos atores, mas sua burocracia e instabilidade, ao mesmo tempo em que geram conflito, ativam processos de autonomia e autogestão. / Restinga is a community district that was created in the mid seventies from real estate development and public policies of favela removals. Its social and spatial territory is characterized by difference and stigma. Frequently, the district is a site for academic research and was once chosen as a pilot plan for a municipal public security project. The ambivalence of urbanization policies divided Restinga into two areas, the “Old” and the “New”. Due to the need to improve the quality of living conditions, social networks were mobilized in the district, managing and performing, what will be called here, youth development micro-policies. These networks are constituted of Hip-Hop teachers, alternative media producers, low-income attorneys, traditional community leaders and public school teachers. Micro-policies are considered here as alternative activities and activities that are accomplished in an intermediate space, or in collaboration with government policies as a methodology to reach the juvenile population and promote the debate on themes pertinent to the reality of Restinga: environmental education, human rights, media democracy, school violence. These micro-policies are delivered in many ways: cultural events, protests, negotiations with public authority and, principally, workshops. This research seeks to describe the work of theses citizens, they’re conflicts with public policies, from interviews, field observations, and participation in community activities and following up on a discussion list on the Internet. The research includes a reflection on the concept of youth, public policies in Brazil, the history of the district and the analysis of the micro-policies of Restinga. The results show that the public policies and traditional institutions serve as levers for the actor’s initiatives, but its bureaucracy and instability, at the same time in which it generates conflict, activates processes of autonomy and self-management.

O bairro Restinga, criado em meados dos anos setenta a partir de loteamentos e políticas de remoção de favelas possui uma territorialidade espacial e social marcada pela diferença e o estigma. O bairro é, freqüentemente, alvo de pesquisas acadêmicas e já foi escolhida como plano piloto para um projeto de segurança pública municipal A ambivalência das políticas de urbanização dividiu a Restinga em duas áreas, a “Velha” e a “Nova”. A necessidade de mobilização por melhorias nas condições de vida no bairro ativou o trabalho redes sociais que gerenciam e executam o que será chamado aqui de micropolíticas para a juventude. Estas redes são constituídas por cidadãos que trabalham com hip-hop, mídias alternativas, promotoras legais populares, antigos líderes comunitários e professores e professoras de escolas municipais. São consideradas aqui micropolíticas atividades alternativas e realizadas em espaços intermediários ou em colaboração às políticas estatais como metodologia para atingir a população jovem e promover o debate sobre temas pertinentes à realidade do bairro: educação ambiental, direitos humanos, democratização dos meios de comunicação, violência escolar. Estas micropolíticas são executadas de diversas formas: eventos culturais, protestos, negociações com o poder público, e principalmente, oficinas. Esta pesquisa procura descrever o trabalho destes cidadãos seus conflitos com as políticas públicas, a partir de entrevistas, observações de campo, e participação em atividades da comunidade e acompanhamento de uma lista de discussões telemática. A pesquisa inclui uma reflexão sobre o conceito de juventude, as políticas públicas no Brasil, a história do bairro e a análise das micropolíticas na Restinga Os resultados mostram que as políticas públicas e as instituições tradicionais servem como alavancas para as iniciativas dos atores, mas sua burocracia e instabilidade, ao mesmo tempo em que geram conflito, ativam processos de autonomia e autogestão. / Restinga is a community district that was created in the mid seventies from real estate development and public policies of favela removals. Its social and spatial territory is characterized by difference and stigma. Frequently, the district is a site for academic research and was once chosen as a pilot plan for a municipal public security project. The ambivalence of urbanization policies divided Restinga into two areas, the “Old” and the “New”. Due to the need to improve the quality of living conditions, social networks were mobilized in the district, managing and performing, what will be called here, youth development micro-policies. These networks are constituted of Hip-Hop teachers, alternative media producers, low-income attorneys, traditional community leaders and public school teachers. Micro-policies are considered here as alternative activities and activities that are accomplished in an intermediate space, or in collaboration with government policies as a methodology to reach the juvenile population and promote the debate on themes pertinent to the reality of Restinga: environmental education, human rights, media democracy, school violence. These micro-policies are delivered in many ways: cultural events, protests, negotiations with public authority and, principally, workshops. This research seeks to describe the work of theses citizens, they’re conflicts with public policies, from interviews, field observations, and participation in community activities and following up on a discussion list on the Internet. The research includes a reflection on the concept of youth, public policies in Brazil, the history of the district and the analysis of the micro-policies of Restinga. The results show that the public policies and traditional institutions serve as levers for the actor’s initiatives, but its bureaucracy and instability, at the same time in which it generates conflict, activates processes of autonomy and self-management.

Submitted by Aline Cristina Sola Orlandi (alineorlandi@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-07-25T17:21:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO - Versão Final.pdf: 1205432 bytes, checksum: 16ecc7a478715ff90bd529382059468e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-07-28T12:28:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 orlandi_acs_me_arafcl.pdf: 1205432 bytes, checksum: 16ecc7a478715ff90bd529382059468e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-28T12:28:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 orlandi_acs_me_arafcl.pdf: 1205432 bytes, checksum: 16ecc7a478715ff90bd529382059468e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-30 / A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende elucidar à luz de teorias feministas e do gênero gótico algumas técnicas de escrita utilizadas por Angela Carter na reescrita do conto de fadas “Chapeuzinho Vermelho”, como forma de subversão de discursos patriarcais e desconstrução de todo um imaginário ocidental de subjugo e vitimização da mulher. Carter revisita os contos de fadas mais populares, na coletânea The Bloody Chamber and other stories, subvertendo padrões estruturais desses contos e também a posição da mulher como vítima passiva recorrente em alguns contos de fadas e na literatura gótica. Através dos contos “The Werewolf” e “The Company of Wolves” presentes na referida coletânea, pretende-se explorar como Carter faz uso de elementos do gótico para construir uma atmosfera de terror, que representa os perigos que a heroína terá que enfrentar para chegar ao final da trajetória e conquistar um prazer total (Jouissance), que ocorrerá através de sua independência econômica, social, sexual e imaginária. E como Carter propõe uma pornografia aliada à mulher, que a empodere e a ajude a descobrir sua identidade, para, assim, retomar seu lugar de igualdade com o homem na sociedade. Além disso, pretende-se elucidar, também, como a autora subverte o Gênero Gótico e os Contos de fadas, bem como a própria Pornografia e os discursos anti-pornografia do movimento feminista. / This master's thesis aims to elucidate through feminist theories and the Gothic genre some writing techniques used by Angela Carter in the rewriting of the fairy tale "Little Red Riding Hood" as a form of subversion of patriarchal discourses and deconstruction of an entire western imaginary subjugation and victimization of woman. Carter revisits the most popular fairy tales in the collection The Bloody Chamber and other stories, subverting structural patterns of these stories and also woman's position as recurring passive victim in some fairy tales and gothic literature. Through the tales "The Werewolf" and "The Company of Wolves", present in said collection, is intended to explore how Carter makes use of Gothic elements to build an atmosphere of terror, representing the dangers that the heroine will have to face to reach the end of the path and win a total pleasure (Jouissance), through its economic, social, sexual and imaginary independence. And how Carter proposes an ally pornography to woman, that empowers and helps her discover her identity, to thus repossess her place of equality with man in society. In addition, we intend to clarify, also, as the author subverts the Gender Gothic and Fairy tale, and the very Pornography and anti-pornography feminist movement speeches.

O bairro Restinga, criado em meados dos anos setenta a partir de loteamentos e políticas de remoção de favelas possui uma territorialidade espacial e social marcada pela diferença e o estigma. O bairro é, freqüentemente, alvo de pesquisas acadêmicas e já foi escolhida como plano piloto para um projeto de segurança pública municipal A ambivalência das políticas de urbanização dividiu a Restinga em duas áreas, a “Velha” e a “Nova”. A necessidade de mobilização por melhorias nas condições de vida no bairro ativou o trabalho redes sociais que gerenciam e executam o que será chamado aqui de micropolíticas para a juventude. Estas redes são constituídas por cidadãos que trabalham com hip-hop, mídias alternativas, promotoras legais populares, antigos líderes comunitários e professores e professoras de escolas municipais. São consideradas aqui micropolíticas atividades alternativas e realizadas em espaços intermediários ou em colaboração às políticas estatais como metodologia para atingir a população jovem e promover o debate sobre temas pertinentes à realidade do bairro: educação ambiental, direitos humanos, democratização dos meios de comunicação, violência escolar. Estas micropolíticas são executadas de diversas formas: eventos culturais, protestos, negociações com o poder público, e principalmente, oficinas. Esta pesquisa procura descrever o trabalho destes cidadãos seus conflitos com as políticas públicas, a partir de entrevistas, observações de campo, e participação em atividades da comunidade e acompanhamento de uma lista de discussões telemática. A pesquisa inclui uma reflexão sobre o conceito de juventude, as políticas públicas no Brasil, a história do bairro e a análise das micropolíticas na Restinga Os resultados mostram que as políticas públicas e as instituições tradicionais servem como alavancas para as iniciativas dos atores, mas sua burocracia e instabilidade, ao mesmo tempo em que geram conflito, ativam processos de autonomia e autogestão. / Restinga is a community district that was created in the mid seventies from real estate development and public policies of favela removals. Its social and spatial territory is characterized by difference and stigma. Frequently, the district is a site for academic research and was once chosen as a pilot plan for a municipal public security project. The ambivalence of urbanization policies divided Restinga into two areas, the “Old” and the “New”. Due to the need to improve the quality of living conditions, social networks were mobilized in the district, managing and performing, what will be called here, youth development micro-policies. These networks are constituted of Hip-Hop teachers, alternative media producers, low-income attorneys, traditional community leaders and public school teachers. Micro-policies are considered here as alternative activities and activities that are accomplished in an intermediate space, or in collaboration with government policies as a methodology to reach the juvenile population and promote the debate on themes pertinent to the reality of Restinga: environmental education, human rights, media democracy, school violence. These micro-policies are delivered in many ways: cultural events, protests, negotiations with public authority and, principally, workshops. This research seeks to describe the work of theses citizens, they’re conflicts with public policies, from interviews, field observations, and participation in community activities and following up on a discussion list on the Internet. The research includes a reflection on the concept of youth, public policies in Brazil, the history of the district and the analysis of the micro-policies of Restinga. The results show that the public policies and traditional institutions serve as levers for the actor’s initiatives, but its bureaucracy and instability, at the same time in which it generates conflict, activates processes of autonomy and self-management.

I den här rapporten har det studerats vilka fysikaliska parametrar som har direkt och indirekt påverkan vid frigörandet av huvor på ytterplagg för barn. Det har även studerats vilka av de parametrar som skulle kunna ingå i en testmetod. En standardiserad testmetod saknas idag och till följd av det kan inte huvor på barns ytterplagg ingå i en standard ur säkerhetsperspektiv. Saknaden av att ingå i en standard medför att många ytterplagg har huvor som är fastsydda och kan därför utgöra en stor fara om ett barn skulle fastna. Enligt Konsumentverket (2006) har flera dödsfall förekommit där barns ytterplagg har varit avgörande orsak, däribland huvor på barns ytterjackor när barn har fastnat i träd och lekredskap och inte kunnat ta sig loss. För att ta fram en testmetod behöver det fastställas vilka fysikaliska parametrar som har direkt påverkan vid frigörandet av huvor på ytterplagg som fastnar. I den här förstudien har observationer, beräkningar och tester i laboratorium samt undersökningar genomförts. Avgränsningar har gjorts i form av att undersöka endast ytterplagg som har huvor med fästanordning av tryckknappar i metall. De är vanligt förekommande på barns ytterplagg och testerna har visat på att de utgör en risk för barn då de fastnar utan ett ryck. Med det menas att om ett barn fastnar med sin huva exempelvis i början av en rutschbana och sakta glider nedåt, kommer det att ta lång tid innan kraften uppnår knapparnas öppningskraft. Tester på laboratorium med hjälp av dragprovning har visat att det kan gå upp mot 90 sekunder innan alla knappar öppnar sig om ett barn fastnar i sin huva. Det beror på att tryckknapparna hamnar i ett läge som gör att de måste öppnas i sidled, och det krävs mycket större kraft än om de öppnas i den vinkeln som de är tillverkade för att öppnas i. / In this thesis, the relevant physical parameters have been studied to determine if they are affected the release of hoods on children’s outerwear. It has been also studied which of these parameters could be included in a test method. A standardized test method does not exist today, therefore, the hoods of children's outerwears are not included in a standard from a safety perspective. As a result of it, there are still many outerwears for children that do not have detachable hoods, which can consequently cause danger when children get caught. According to the Swedish Consumer Agency (Konsumentverket 2006), several deaths have occurr- ed in which children's outerwears has been a determinant, including the situations when the hoods have been trapped in trees or play equipment and children could not escape. To be able to develop a test method, it is necessary to determine which physical parameters are affected when releasing of hoods on children's outerwears. This thesis is based on literature study, observations, calculations and experi- mental simulations in the laboratory. Only outerwears that have detachable hoods with metal fasteners have been selected to study as a demarcation of this project. The reason is that this kind of garments is very common among children, and this could lead to a risk for children when they get caught without a quick pull. It means when a child gets stuck with the hood in the beginning of a slide for example and continues to slide downwards slowly. Thus, it will take a long time before the snap fasteners can be opened by itself, in other words that the hood will be released from the garment. Experiments in the laboratory using tensile testing machine shows that it can take up to 90 seconds before all snap fasteners can be opened when a child becomes hanging. The reason could be that the lateral holding strength is much stronger than the snap action for a snap fastener. And it is not produced to be disengaging in this difficult way.

Studien syftar till att undersöka teorin bakom kortslutningskåpan, dess potential och begränsningar. Undersökningen inleds med en litteraturstudie vilken följs av en fallstudie där ett system med kortslutningskåpa, med avseende på energibehov och systemkostnad, jämförs med ett system med en vanlig kåpa respektive ett system med värmeåtervinning. Litteraturstudien visar att kortslutningskåpan kan minska nettoluftflödet från köket och på så sätt minska uppvärmningsbehovet. Introduceras för stor mängd kortslutningsluft läcker värme och föroreningar från kåpan till köket. Maximalt kunde 21% av det totala frånluftsflödet kortslutas utan läckage. Fallstudiens energiberäkningar har utförts i programmet BELOK Värmeåtervinning samt i ett av författaren kodat program. De tre systemen testades för två fall med olika drifttid, en lunchrestaurang med låg drifttid och en hamburgerrestaurang med hög drifttid. Kortslutningskåpan minskade energibehovet med 15 % och det återvinnande systemet med dryga 80 %. Trots det minskade energibehovet var det värmeåtervinnande systemet inte ekonomiskt lönsamt i lunchrestaurangen, ty drifttiden var för låg för att de höga investeringskostnaderna skulle hinna betala sig. Kortslutningskåpan betalade sig dock efter 4,2 år. I hamburgerrestaurangen, där drifttiden var högre, betalade sig kortslutningskåpan efter 1,3 år och det återvinnande systemet efter 3,2 år. Över 15 år var dock det återvinnande systemet betydligt mer lönsamt. Jämfört med en vanlig kåpa minskade kortslutningskåpan kostnaderna med 13,3 %. Över samma tidsperiod minskade det värmeåtervinnande systemet kostnaderna med 39,5 %. / This study aims to investigate the theory behind the short circuit hood, its potential and limitations. This is done partly as a literature study and partly as a case study where a system with a short circuit hood, in regards of energy demand and system cost, is compared with a system using an exhaust only hood and with a system using heat recovery. The literature study shows that the short circuit hood can reduce the net air flow from the kitchen and thus decrease the heating demand. If too much air is short circuited, heat and contaminations will leak from the hood to the kitchen. A maximum of 21 % of the total exhaust flow could be short circuited without leakage. The energy calculations in the case study were performed using the program BELOK Värmeåtervinning and in a program coded by the author. The three systems were tested for two cases with different operating hours, a lunch restaurant with few operating hours and a hamburger restaurant with many hours. The energy demand was reduced by 15 % using a short circuit hood and by more than 80 % using the heat recovery system. Despite the reduced energy demand, the heat recovery system was not economically profitable in the lunch restaurant, the operating hours were too low for the big investment costs to pay off. However, the short circuit hood payed off after 4,2 years. In the hamburger restaurant where the operating hours was higher, the short circuit hood payed off after 1,3 years and the heat recovery system after 3,2 years. Over 15 years, however, the heat recovery system was significantly more profitable. Compared to an exhaust only system the short circuit hood reduced the costs by 13,3 %. Over the same period, the heat recovery system reduced the costs by 39,5 %.