This paper examines the inter-relationships in post-conflict contexts between DDR programmes and processes on the one hand, and wider arms management and SALW control programmes on the other. It is a contribution to the international project "on DDR and Human Security: Post-conflict security building and the interests of the poor‟, and aims to complement the four other Thematic working papers of this Project. It argues that greater co-coordination, and often integration, between DDR and civilian arms management/reduction programmes is needed to promote human security in most countries emerging from conflict, within the framework of a wider comprehensive strategy for enhancing security from fear and violence that also includes security sector reform.

Climate security is a subject that focuses on the relationship between climate change and security. Climate security is a subject that supports the notion that climate change is amplifying existing security threats as climate change is having negative impacts on societies, the natural environment, and development which worsen the situation, especially in regions that already experiencing major challenges. Climate security suggests that climate change causes insecurity by having the capacity to amplify and exacerbate existing tensions or creating new ones which ultimately may lead to armed conflict. This provides the importance to study the subject of climate security since most of the states that are predicted to be most affected by climate change are states that can be classified as volatile and prone to conflict. The thesis focuses on Sudan because the country is experiencing repeated armed conflicts within its borders while also being affected by climate change. This provides the main reason to study Sudan as more research is needed on how climate change is a threat amplifier. As climate change can be a source of insecurity in Sudan, the thesis also focuses on how the UN respond to climate insecurity to mitigate the negative consequences climate change imposes on Sudan. The thesis therefore aims to strengthen the research on how the UN as a multilateral organization responds to climate security. Qualitative method was used to interview four staff members from the UNDP, UNEP, and DPPA-DPO that are stationed both in New York and in Khartoum, Sudan. The results provided the conclusion that Sudan is experiencing internal armed conflicts between groups as an indirect consequence of climate change. The indirect pathways can be summarized as being connected to worsened socioeconomic standards and increased competition between different religious and ethnic groups over decreased natural resources. One main driver of the armed conflicts is also political instability and large amounts of armed groups through the country. This explains repeated and long conflicts that have affected the Sudanese people and hindered development in the country. The results from the interviews concluded that the UN acknowledge that climate change is a source of insecurity in Sudan and that the UN is prioritizing the topic of climate security. The work that the UN is implementing in Sudan have been focusing on climate adaptation to decrease the affects climate change has on Sudan. The interviews resulted in exposing the fact that the UN has experienced challenges to cohesively work with climate security in Sudan, as it has been challenging to work together with multiple UN organizations. Solutions to this challenge have among other things been the Climate Security Mechanism (CSM) which has increased cooperation internally. Other prioritized goals the UN has in Sudan is aiding in the establishment of a democratically elected government. The respondents highlighted that the work with climate security has paused since the military takeover in Sudan in 2021. This finding indicates indicates that the UN is having challenges with working in countries that are experiencing repeated political instability.

No description available.

Since the cold war, most countries have moved on from the classical security perception that all threats are external and aiming to invade the sovereignty of the state, thus leading to military armies fighting each other. Instead as Globalization have become more predominant since the beginning of the 1990’s new threats have also emerged that militaries can’t fight as they used to, thus it has become necessary for a wider view on security which also involves human suffering, and the general trend among armies have been to combat these through international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. This study aims at showing the change in which the Swedish army have undergone since the end of the cold war and into modern days, both in terms of political decisions and also show how the use of language have been changed throughout the course. The thesis covers a time period between 1989 to 2009 and following the process of change from the Swedish political institution that works with military issues, called the Försvarsutskottet or the FöU and the method applied is process tracing with a detailed narrative. Several important conceptions are also explained such as Globalization, Collective security and Human security, which will make the result chapter more understandable. The results showed that the biggest changes in Sweden’s military policy came in three steps, the beginning of the 1990’s was influenced with economic problems for Sweden which also lead to budget downsizings in the military. The mid-1990’s was the time where there existed no real external threat to Sweden, and hence it came to be dominated by several large reforms which also aimed at lowering the costs of the military and adapt it into becoming rapid response forces. After the 9/11 attacks in 2001 the new threats emerged and the Swedish military focused even more on improving their international and humanitarian operations. The thesis ends by discussing these finding and present some changes in the use of languages in-between the 20 years.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the processes and factors that explain the framing of HIV and AIDS policy in Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland. Africa remains the global epicentre of the HIV and AIDS epidemic with Southern Africa remaining the most affected region in the world. The investigation centres on the HIV and AIDS policymaking discourses and dynamics leading to the securitisation of the epidemic in the three countries. The central focus of the study covers the timeframe of the leadership of President Mogae in Botswana, President Mbeki in South Africa and King Mswati III in Swaziland. This period is important as it characterises the HIV and AIDS epidemic being elevated onto the political agenda of the respective countries. This dissertation relies on two strands of theoretical literature namely, public policy theory and securitisation theory to help explain the framing of policy decision-making that leads to the process of securitisation of the HIV and AIDS epidemic in the three countries. This study is a multiple case study within the qualitative research paradigm. This research is based on three case studies: Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland. As far as data collection is concerned, this study drew on primary sources of data, which consisted of documents obtained during the fieldwork from various stakeholders such as such as official government documents, as well as official documents from international and domestic HIV and AIDS organisations. Twenty semi-structured interviews were also conducted between 2007 and 2008 with various stakeholders including government officials, representatives of domestic and international HIV and AIDS organisations operating in the respective countries, researchers from think tanks and academics. In addition, eleven exploratory interviews were also conducted as part of the fieldwork process. Furthermore this study also relied on various secondary sources of data such as scholarly articles and books, official documents and legislation and newspaper articles. The preliminary results collected and analysed in this study suggest that Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland have all demonstrated a degree of formal commitment to adopting international guidelines to combat the epidemic. The thesis shows that while all three countries may share the burden of the epidemic, each presents a different political, social and cultural identity with different institutional architects (both foreign and domestic) that determined the nature of the response policy to the epidemic. The study shows that each of the three case studies presents an example of differing degrees of securitisation attempts: i) Botswana - successful securitisation; ii) South Africa - unsuccessful securitisation; and iii) Swaziland - partial securitisation because different actors and audiences are positioned at varying points along a spectrum of securitisation. This degree of securitisation can be linked to the acceptance of international ideas and the prevailing global discourse regarding the HIV and AIDS epidemic and the openness to forming collaborative agreements between state and non-state actors in each of the three countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om ’n begrip te ontwikkel van die prosesse en faktore wat verklaar hoe beleid rondom MIV en VIGS in Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland geraam word. Die Afrikavasteland is nog steeds die wêreld se MIV en VIGS-episentrum en die Suider-Afrika-streek loop die mees gebuk onder die epidemie. Die ontleding sentreer op die MIV en VIGS beleidsdiskoerse en die dinamieke wat aanleiding gee tot die beveiliging van die epidemie in die drie lande. Die kollig val op die tyd toe President Mogae van Botswana, President Mbeki van Suid-Afrika en Koning Mswati III van Swaziland aan bewind was. Hierdie periode is van belang omdat dit die tyd was toe MIV en VIGS op die drie lande se politieke agendas geplaas is. Die proefskrif gebruik literatuur uit twee teoretiese velde, naamlik openbare beleidsteorie en sekuriteitsteorie, om te verklaar hoe daar op bepaalde beleide besluit word, hoe dit geraam word, en die proses waarvolgens MIV en VIGS gevolglik in die drie lande beveilig word. Die studie is ’n meervuldige gevallestudie binne die kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma. Die navorsing is op drie gevallestudies gebaseer, te wete Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland. Ten opsigte van data-insameling, het die studie van primêre databronne gebruik gemaak bestaande uit bewysstukke wat van verskeie belangegroepe verkry is. Hierdie stukke beslaan amptelike regeringsdokumente en amptelike dokumentasie van internasionale sowel as nasionale MIV en VIGS-organisasies. Daar is ook met verskeie belangegroepe onderhoude gevoer. Die belangegroepe het bestaan uit regeringsamptenare, die verteenwoordigers van nasionale en internasionale MIV en VIGS-organisasies betrokke in die drie lande, akademici, en kundiges by navorsingsinstansies. Twintig semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude is in 2007 en 2008 gevoer. Boonop is daar as deel van die empiriese navorsing 11 verkenningsonderhoude gevoer. Die studie het ook van verskeie sekondêre databronne soos vakwetenskaplike artikels en boeke, amptelike dokumentasie, wetaktes en koerantartikels gebruik gemaak. Die voorlopige bevindinge dui dat Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland elkeen hulself tot ’n mate formeel tot internasionale riglyne verbind het om die epidemie te beveg. Die proefskrif bewys dat ofskoon al drie lande swaar aan die las van die epidemie dra, daar by elkeen verskillende politieke, maatskaplike en kulturele identiteite, asook institusionele argitekte (plaaslik sowel as buitelands) bestaan wat die aard van die beleidsrespons bepaal het. Die studie dui verskillende grade van beveiliging by elkeen van die gevallestudies: i) Botswana – suksesvolle beveiliging; ii) Suid-Afrika – onsuksesvolle beveiliging; en iii) Swaziland – gedeeltelike beveiliging. Hierdie grade van beveiliging kan verklaar word aan die hand van die mate waartoe daar by elkeen van die lande aanvaarding was van internasionale denke en diskoers oor die MIV en VIGS-epidemie en of samewerking tussen staats- en nie-staatsakteurs bewerkstellig is.

Over the last two decades, the international community has taken on the task of rebuilding societies in the aftermath of mass-atrocities. Through a combination of trial and error and vigorous academic research, a relatively clear (and semi-malleable) blueprint of post-atrocity peacebuilding has developed. This includes setting up a temporary international transitional authority, establishing democracy, facilitating economic development, and holding war crime trials. Though there are volumes of studies which address the pragmatic strengths and weaknesses of these key elements of peacebuilding, to date political theorists have not critically analyzed the moral legitimacy of these policies. My thesis aims to fill this gap. The overarching question of this thesis is this: What moral duties does the international community have to post-atrocity societies? To answer this question, I critically examine the normative issues involved in the four key aspects of peacebuilding (identified above). Using the framework of just war theory and a cosmopolitan theory of fundamental human rights, I argue that, in most post-atrocity cases, the international community has duties to remove atrocity-committing regimes from power, occupy the target-state and act as a transitional authority, help facilitate the creation of democracy and economic development, and hold war crimes trials. These duties, of course, are extremely complicated and limited and these qualifications are examined and developed throughout. Running through the construction of my theory of post-atrocity duties is a clear message: we – the international community – have obligations to the victims and survivors of atrocities. In other words, providing assistance in the wake of mass-atrocities is not a supererogatory act of charity, rather, it is a duty which we owe to the victims of these horrible crimes.

Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African land question presents complex legal and social challenges. The legal aspects of land are inextricably linked to other socio-economic aspects, such as access to housing, healthcare, water and social security. The Constitution provides for land reform in the property clause - section 25. This clause, while seeking to redress the colonial land dispossessions, by means of a tripartite land reform programme, also protects the property rights of all. The different legs of the land reform programme are redistribution, which is aimed at enabling citizens to access land on an equitable basis; restitution, which sets out to restore property rights or grant equitable redress to those dispossessed of land as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices and finally tenure reform. Tenure reform is premised on transforming the landholding system of those with legally insecure tenure as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices or granting comparable redress. The primary focus of this thesis is on tenure security for black rural women in South Africa, while using the Namibian experience with regard of the same group as a comparison. Historically, before colonialism, landholding was governed by the customary law of the various tribes in South Africa. This landholding system underwent extensive change through the colonial era that ultimately led to a fragmented and disproportionate distribution of land based on race, with insecure land rights particularly in rural areas, where women are the majority. With the dawn of the Constitutional era, South Africa embarked upon a social justice project, based on a supreme Constitution, embodying human dignity, equality, non-racialism, accountability and the rule of law. Land reform forms part of the social project and is governed by the Constitution and influenced by both the civil and customary law. With the South African tenure context, policy documents, legislation and case law will be analysed. In this process the role of the stakeholders and other related factors, for example customary practices are also considered. The analysis indicates that case law has played a significant part in addressing women’s plight with regard to equality, tenure reform and abolishing suppressive legislative provisions and practices. It is furthermore clear that the different categories of women are affected differently by the overarching tenure and other related measures. For a legal comparative study, Namibia was chosen for the following reasons: (a) both South Africa and Namibia have a shared colonial and apartheid background; (b) both countries have a Constitutional foundation incorporating human rights and equality; and (c) both countries have embarked on land reform programmes. However, contrary to the South African position, both the Namibian Constitution and its National Land Policy are more gender-specific. Tenure reform is an on-going process in Namibia in terms of which specific categories of women have benefitted lately. To that end the gender inclined approach may be of specific value for the South African situation, in general, but in particular concerning black rural women. Consequently, particular recommendations, linked to the specific categories of women, are finally provided for the South African position, in light of the Namibian experience. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse grondkwessie beliggaam ingewikkelde regs- en sosiale uitdagings. Die regsaspekte wat verband hou met grond is ook onlosmaaklik gekoppel aan sosio-ekonomiese kwessies, soos byvoorbeeld toegang to behuising, gesondheidsdienste, water en sosiale sekuriteit. Die Grondwet maak vir grondhervorming in die eiendomsklousule, artikel 25, voorsiening. Die eiendomsklousule beoog om koloniale grondontnemings (deur ‘n drie-ledige oorhoofse grondhervormingsprogram) aan te spreek en terselfdertyd eiendomsregte te beskerm. Die oorhoofse grondhervormingsprogram bestaan uit herverdeling, waarmee billike toegang tot grond vir alle burgers bewerkstellig word; restitusie, waarvolgens herstel (of ander billike vergoeding) vir persone en gemeenskappe wat grond en regte as gevolg van rasdiskriminerende maatreëls verloor het, bewerkstellig word en laastens grondbeheerhervorming. Grondbeheerhervorming behels die aanpas of opgradeer van grondbeheervorme (of die betaal van billike vergoeding) in gevalle waar regte onseker (of swak) is weens rasdiskriminerende maatreëls en praktyke van die verlede. Die hooffokus van die tesis is op die regsekerheid (al dan nie) van grondbeheer van swart landelike vrouens in Suid- Afrika, met die Namibiese ervaring as regsvergelykende komponent. Histories, voordat kolonialisme ingetree het, was grondbeheer deur die tradisionele inheemse reg van die verskillende gemeenskappe in Suid-Afrika gereguleer. Hierdie grondbeheersisteme het grootskaalse verandering gedurende die koloniale tydperk ondergaan. Dit het eindelik tot ‘n rasgebaseerde, gefragmenteerde sisteem gelei waarvan die verdeling van grond disproporsioneel was en die grondbeheervorme regsonseker, veral in die landelike gebiede waar vrouens die meerderheid van die bevolking uitmaak. Toe die grondwetlike era in Suid-Afrika aanbreek, is daar met ‘n sosiale geregtigheidprojek (heropbou en ontwikkeling) begin. Hierdie benadering is op die Grondwet gefundeer waarin menswaardigheid, gelykheid, nie-rassigheid, rekenskap en regsorde beliggaam is. Grondhervorming vorm deel van die oorhoofse projek en word deur die Grondwet bestuur en deur beide die nasionale en die Inheems reg beïnvloed. Met betrekking tot die Suid-Afrikaanse grondbeheeristeem word beleidsdokumente, wetgewing en regspraak geanaliseer. In hierdie proses word die rol van belanghebbendes en ander verwante aspekte, soos byvoorbeeld Inheemse partyke, ook oorweeg. Die analise dui aan dat dit veral ontwikkelings in regspraak is wat ‘n groot bydrae gelewer het om vrouens se stryd om gelykheid en sekerheid van grondbeheer te bevorder en wat gelei het tot die afskaffing van onderdrukkende wetgewende maatreëls en praktyke. Dit is verder ook duidelik dat verskillende kategorieë van vrouens verskillend deur die oorhoofse grondbeheer- en ander verwante maatreëls, geaffekteer word. Namibië is vir die regsvergelykende analise geïdentifiseer omdat (a) beide Suid- Afrika en Namibië ‘n koloniale en apartheidsgeskiedenis deel; (b) beide jurisdiksies ‘n grondwetlike basis het waarin menseregte en gelykheid beliggaam word; en (c) beide lande grondhervormingsprogramme van stapel gestuur het. In teenstelling met die Suid-Afrikaanse benadering, is die Namibiese Grondwet en die nasionale grondbeleid egter meer geslag-spesifiek. Grondbeheerhervorming in Namibië is ‘n aaneenlopende proses waaruit veral sekere kategorieë vrouens onlangs voordeel getrek het. Om daardie rede mag die geslag-spesifke benadering wat in Namibië gevolg word vir Suid-Afrika ook van waarde wees, nie net in die algemeen by grondbeheer nie, maar spesifiek ook met betrekking tot swart landelike vroue. In die lig van die Namibiese ervaring word daar ten slotte spesifieke aanbevelings tot die Suid-Afrikaanse sisteem, gekoppel aan bepaalde kategorieë van vroue, gemaak.

人類安全自其概念提出以來至今已逾十年，始終沒有獲得安全研究領域的重視。冷戰結束後，雖有非傳統安全在研究上對傳統安全侷限於軍事問題的缺漏進行修補，但依舊忽略「個人」對於安全研究的價值。本文認為，目前既有的安全研究已不能迎合全球化時代國際關係的發展趨勢，而把「個人」排除在安全研究的討論之外或是予以邊緣化，則為一種理解上的疏失。實際上，無論傳統安全所強調的軍事領域，或是非傳統安全所關注的貧窮、發展、疾病等問題，其核心與基礎的安全價值均構築在每一個「個人」身上，這歸因於安全概念就像一道不可分割的光譜，儘管歸結出許多不同面向，但當其中一個安全面向受到影響時，其他面向也會受到波及；互賴現象不只適用於經濟關係，也同樣適用安全領域。對此，本研究論證了何以人類安全具備在判斷安全是否落實、因應全球化的國際局勢，以及回應「內部」威脅來源等三方面的優勢，用以彰顯安全研究宜從「國家」到「個人」之必要性。 此外，本文建議以建構主義來詮釋人類安全，認為人類安全的形塑過程，就是一種建構主義的觀點。儘管國際關係中的建構主義目前在安全所涉及的範疇，只著力於安全社群或安全文化論點，但建構主義是探索人類意識與國家認同與利益的形成，如果透過建構主義來解釋國際社會現象，尤其是人類安全，那將使人類安全觀點更趨意義，爰本論文在釐清人類安全概念與回顧建構主義理論基礎後，同時說明了建構主義與人類安全的關連，並勾勒起兩者間之對話。 / Even though the concept of Human Security first emerged more than a decade ago, it never gained much attention in the field of security study. In the post-Cold War era, non-traditional security study somehow rectifies the defect of traditional security study, which focuses simply on military affairs, but it is not comprehensive enough to understand the crucial role which ‘People’ play in security study. From authors’ view, the present comprehension of security study can no longer catch up with the main development trend of international relations in the age of globalization. To exclude ‘People’ from discussing or to marginalize it is a definite miscalculation of what ‘security’ really is. Either traditional security, which pays mainly attention to territorial matters, or non-traditional security, which cares more about poverty, development, disease and so on, its core and essential value of security is no doubt based on ‘People’. Actually, the concept of security is a spectrum which cannot be divided; also, the spectrum has considerable inter links and overlaps. An effect to one dimension of security is likely to travel to all forms of security. The phenomenon of interdependency on economic dimension is also relevant to security studies. This article demonstrates that the study of human security can help resolve threats from both internal and external forces, respond to the challenges of globalization, and achieve true security. It manifests the necessity of the study of security from focusing on “state” to the “people”. Besides, the main purpose of this article is exploring human security by constructivism. The emergence of human security also can be seen as a view of constructivism. This article argues that although the orthodox of security study on constructivism focus on security community or security culture, the constructivism also explores the issues of human consciousness and national identity and interest formation. Hence, the contents of human security will be more meaningful if through applying constructivism to explaining phenomena of international society. In the light of this analysis, three specific issues will be examined: the emergence of the concept of human security, review of the theory of constructivism, and enabling a dialogic interaction between constructivism and human security.

This study investigates the causes of fear of crime amongst residents of Ward 33 in KwaZulu-Natal, and the impact of this fear on their behaviour; the relationship between social cohesion and fear of crime; how residents are trying to make themselves safer in their own homes; and whether these measures are indeed producing feelings of greater safety and security. The research methodology employed for this dissertation is mainly qualitative, in particular the use of storytelling and photographs, which were used as a “canopener” to get respondents to discuss their security choices as well as the choices made by others. The findings indicate that the sources and extent of fear of crime vary amongst residents. Fear of crime emanates from the physical and social environment as well as the kinds of information shared within communities. Embedded within the narratives is a strong association of race with crime, which is deepening divisions in the ward. The findings also question whether greater heterogeneity automatically reduces social cohesion. As far as home security is concerned, the northern part of the ward is generally more affluent and this is reflected in the more diverse security measures adopted by residents. In discussing the principles of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED), which is based on the idea that crimes are less likely to occur when properties are visible, residents’ attitudes tended to vary according to their respective fear of crime, their financial status, and specific location within the ward. A theme running consistently through the literature and in some of the narratives is the effect of geography on how residents and potential criminals view an area. The regeneration of some parts of the ward and neglect of others shows the differential outcomes when local community members choose whether or not to be proactive and participate in such projects. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

This thesis examines the approaches taken by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to the protection of civilians during internal armed conflict, both at the level of global policy and at the level of implementation in the Colombian context. The thesis explains how the ICRC and UNHCR approach protection, why each has adopted its particular approach, and how and why the effectiveness of each approach is limited. In doing so, it offers a theoretical framework for explaining the approaches taken by international organizations (IOs) to new tasks within their mandates as well as policy implications for the ICRC, UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies. From a theoretical perspective, this research shows that factors internal to the IO carry greater explanatory power than external factors. Most significantly, when an IO expands into a new issue-area, it frames the new task in terms of the existing tasks within its mandate, replicating the specific goals and the means of pursuing those goals. The extent to which the approach is then adapted to the specificities of the new issue-area depends on the ‘bureaucratic personality’ of the IO, and specifically the extent to which decisions are informed by field-level experience. Internal conflicts by definition include armed non-state actors, and the analysis in this thesis emphasises both their significance in determining civilian security and their neglect in existing approaches to protection. While the ICRC seeks to reduce the threat posed by all armed actors (state and non-state) in its work at the field level, it relies heavily on an international legal framework which prioritises states and this partially undermines its attention to non-state actors at the field level. UNHCR retains a state-centric focus at both the field level and the level of global policy. From a policy perspective, therefore, the thesis advocates greater attention to armed non-state actors both at the level of practice and in the development of protection norms.