Desde o começo dos anos 1990 é possível observar uma expansão contundente da estrutura internacional de ajuda humanitária. Por um lado, esta expansão resultou no crescimento histórico dos recursos financeiros, tecnológicos e humanos voltados para o provimento da ajuda, levando também ao aumento do tamanho e do número de organizações dedicadas a esta causa e do escopo de ação destas agências, principalmente em situações de pós-conflito. Por outro, este contexto também trouxe preocupações quanto a uma politização da ajuda, principalmente no cenário das \"novas guerras\" e das \"emergências complexas\" do pós-Guerra Fria, o que teria comprometido a independência e a neutralidade da prática humanitária nestas crises. A primeira década do século XXI acentuou estas percepções, com os Estados Unidos instrumentalizando tanto as agências quanto a prática humanitária em favor de seus interesses estratégicos na \"Guerra contra o Terror\". Esta dissertação procura analisar a politização da prática humanitária no pós-Guerra Fria, recuperando o desenvolvimento histórico do humanitarismo moderno e retomando alguns conceitos e discussões desenvolvidos durante a Guerra Fria, em especial o \"sem fronteirismo\" e o \"direito de ingerência humanitária\". Nossa proposta é observar como a politização foi percebida no nível das organizações humanitárias não-governamentais, como elas se alinharam ou se opuseram a uma leitura política de uma prática tradicionalmente vista como neutra, independente e imparcial. A hipótese deste trabalho é que houve uma convergência conceitual e prática entre boa parte destas agências e seus principais doadores, os governos, que resultou numa maior interação entre estes atores em situações de crise. No entanto, esta interação tem sido bastante problemática para as agências humanitárias: em cenários mais \"quentes\", como Afeganistão e Iraque, ela resultou numa associação entre interventores e humanitários, o que comprometeu a posição dos agentes humanitários nestas crises. Além disso, esta aproximação entre humanitarismo e política tem levantado uma discussão profunda sobre a natureza, os instrumentos e os objetivos da prática humanitária - que se desenvolve junto a outras crises, forçando os agentes a confrontar dilemas e desafios cada vez mais complexos, e com resultados humanitários cada vez mais imprevisíveis. / Since the early 1990s we can observe a striking expansion of the structure of international humanitarian aid. On the one hand, this expansion resulted in a historical growth of financial, technological and human resources toward the provision of aid, increasing the size and the number of organizations dedicated to this cause and the scope of action of these agencies, especially in post-conflict situations. On the other, this situation also brought concerns about the politicization of aid, especially in the scenario of \"new wars\" and \"complex emergencies\" in the post-Cold War, which would have compromised the independence and neutrality of humanitarian practice in these crises. The first decade of this century intensified these perceptions, with the United States using the practice and the agencies in favor of its strategic interests in the \"War on Terror.\" This dissertation analyzes the politicization of humanitarian practice in post-Cold War, recovering the historical development of modern humanitarianism and resuming some concepts and arguments developed during the Cold War, especially \"the without borderism\" and \"the right of humanitarian intervention.\" Our proposal is to observe how the politicization was perceived at the level of non-governmental humanitarian organizations, as they lined up or opposed to a political reading of a practice traditionally seen as neutral, independent and impartial. Our working hypothesis is that there was a conceptual and practical convergence between most of these agencies and their major donors, the governments, resulting in a greater interaction between these actors in crisis situations. However, this interaction has been very problematic for humanitarian agencies: in \"hot\" scenarios as Afghanistan and Iraq, it resulted in an association between humanitarians and interventionists, which undermined the position of aid workers in these crises. Moreover, this approach between humanitarianism and politics has raised a deep discussion about the nature, the objectives and the instruments of humanitarian practice - that develops along with other crises, forcing players to confront dilemmas and challenges increasingly complex, and results relief more unpredictable.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:37:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Adelina Franca.pdf: 1510440 bytes, checksum: a422af6449ede5278ff084aa8ecb87ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The work herein presented comprises a study on the social representations of violence and the types of violence produced by different social sectors in the district of Itaquera in the city of São Paulo. The study was based on the Theory of Social Representations by Serge Moscovici. The concept of Human Security by Amatya Sen was used as an alternative to face the phenomenon of violence. Focal groups were used to provide the data. The main objective of the study was to identify possible differences in the social representations of violence and types of violence emerging from different social segments in the geographical area of the study and to investigate about possible interelations with the environment, social and historical context, as well as intersubjective aspects / A pesquisa ora apresentada examina as representações sociais de violência e tipos de violência vivenciados por diferentes segmentos sociais no distrito de Itaquera, no município de São Paulo. A metodologia científica foi baseada nos Grupos Focais, e o suporte teórico buscado na Teoria das Representações Sociais, segundo Serge Moscovici e ainda na conceituação de Segurança Humana, de acordo com Amartya Sen. O estudo objetivou verificar as possíveis diferenças existentes entre as representações sociais de violência e tipos de violência nos diferentes segmentos sociais da região geográfica do estudo e suas relações com o ambiente, contexto sócio-histórico e aspectos intersubjetivos

A presente tese apresenta três artigos que demonstram através do histórico da segurança humana sua compreensão em de três pontos de vista: histórico, conceito e ferramenta de política externa. O primeiro artigo busca evidenciar que existe baixo nível de debate, diálogo e contribuição entre a agenda de desenvolvimento e segurança na construção da abordagem da segurança humana através do Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano (RDH) do Programa de Desenvolvimento das Nações Unidas (PNUD) de 1994 e do Relatório da Comissão Internacional sobre Intervenção e Soberania Estatal (CIISE) de 2001. Enquanto o segundo artigo realiza uma análise comparativa da segurança humana e da securitização à fim de demonstrar as diferenças e especificidades de ambos e procura demonstrar que apesar de existirem semelhanças entre os termos, e uma certa complementariedade, eles não são substituíveis. Já o terceiro aborda como e para quais interesses potências médias usam a segurança humana, através dos estudos de caso do Japão e Canadá a fim de demonstrar que estes beneficiam interesses próprios. / The present thesis presents three papers that displays through the history of human security its comprehension from three points of view: history, concept and foreign policy tool. The first paper seeks to demonstrate that there is a low level of debate, dialogue and contribution between the development and security agenda in the construction of the human security approach through the Human Development Report (HDR) of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) from 1994 and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) from 2001. While the second seeks to comparatively analyze human security and securitization to indicate differences and similarities and seeking to demonstrate that despite the similarities between the terms, and a certain complementarity, they are not replaceable. And lastly, the third one approaches how and to serve which interests middle powers use human security, through the case studies of Japan and Canada seeking to show rather they beneficiate self-interest.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Adelina Franca.pdf: 1520313 bytes, checksum: 7725a7f828bca8b937d17a2f2084163a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The work herein presented comprises a study on the social representations of violence and the types of violence produced by different social sectors in the district of Itaquera in the city of São Paulo. The study was based on the Theory of Social Representations by Serge Moscovici. The concept of Human Security by Amatya Sen was used as an alternative to face the phenomenon of violence. Focal groups were used to provide the data. The main objective of the study was to identify possible differences in the social representations of violence and types of violence emerging from different social segments in the geographical area of the study and to investigate about possible interelations with the environment, social and historical context, as well as intersubjective aspects / A pesquisa ora apresentada examina as representações sociais de violência e tipos de violência vivenciados por diferentes segmentos sociais no distrito de Itaquera, no município de São Paulo. A metodologia científica foi baseada nos Grupos Focais, e o suporte teórico buscado na Teoria das Representações Sociais, segundo Serge Moscovici e ainda na conceituação de Segurança Humana, de acordo com Amartya Sen. O estudo objetivou verificar as possíveis diferenças existentes entre as representações sociais de violência e tipos de violência nos diferentes segmentos sociais da região geográfica do estudo e suas relações com o ambiente, contexto sócio-histórico e aspectos intersubjetivos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Candido da Silva.pdf: 950188 bytes, checksum: 6bb142ee2cd262b1efbc6e6bebd06ec1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-02 / The background to this paper is the challenging field of the human security, where the objects of reference are the State and the sovereign decision; and the main issue is the use of emergency measures, such as the humanitarian intervention. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the discussion about the priority between the safety of States or of human beings, especially when it comes to the paradox of the defence of Human Rights through force, or, in other words, protection of life through the production of death. In order to do so, the ontogenetic analysis of the state of exception will be employed, showing that the permission to the use of force, concretized through the humanitarian intervention, exposes man s humanity to something that can, simultaneously, save it and destroy it, constituting an autoimmune malfunction of the Law s autopoietic system. Our conclusion, therefore, is that the sedimentation of the idea of prevention in the global community is the most appropriate element to the safeguard of the Human Rights, and that the considerations on the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention prove themselves to be useless, be it because they constitute an immunizer instrument that searches its legitimation in the inclusion of life through its suspension, be it because it constitutes a pretentiously juridical action occurring in an anomic field where the corpus won the battle against the free man / O presente trabalho tem como pano de fundo o campo desafiador da segurança humana, onde o Estado e a decisão soberana são os objetos de referência; e o uso de medidas de emergência, como a intervenção humanitária, a preocupação central. Objetiva este trabalho contribuir com a discussão sobre a prioridade entre segurança dos Estados ou dos seres humanos, especificamente sobre o paradoxo da defesa dos Direitos Humanos através da força, ou melhor, da defesa da vida pela produção da morte. Para tanto, lançaremos mão da análise ontogenética do fenômeno estado de exceção, verificando que a permissão do uso da força, concretizada pela intervenção humanitária, expõe a humanidade do homem àquilo que pode simultaneamente salvá-la e aniquilá-la, constituindo, assim, uma disfunção autoimune do sistema autopoiético do direito. Concluiremos, portanto, que a sedimentação da ideia de prevenção na comunidade mundial é o elemento mais apropriado para a salvaguarda dos Direitos Humanos, e que restam inúteis as considerações de legalidade da intervenção humanitária, seja por se tratar de um instrumento imunizador que busca sua legitimação através da inclusão da vida por meio da sua suspensão, seja por constituir uma ação pretensamente jurídica incidente em um campo anômico onde o corpus ganhou a batalha contra o homem livre

This case study is a documentation of localised gendered and youth perspectives regarding food-(in)security, capabilities, rights and freedom. This dissertation explores localised youth and gendered perceptions of food-security by applying Amartya Sen‟s capabilities approach. The research is situated within the village of Mboza, the peri-urban locale of Ndumo, and the town of Jozini, oriented within the Makhathini region of the Pongola floodplain of Northern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. In this context, perceptions of capabilities, rights, and food-security are seemingly based on normative views of rights aligning with South Africa‟s constitutional first and second generations rights. Additionally, it is noted that perceptions and aspirations are impacted by socio-historical and economic dynamics that have resulted in segregated places and constrained opportunities. Practically and ideologically speaking, the state historically played a role in shaping these dynamics. Perceptions are further influenced by normalised capitalist ideals relating to consumption, socio-economic mobility, and success. The research explores whether post-apartheid South Africa‟s incorporation of a rightsbased approach to development has influenced expectations and thus affected perspectives on the roles of: the state, communities, and individuals; in securing the right to food. In this manner, perceptions of food, a primary need necessary for a quality of life with dignity, may be extended to assess the degree of politicisation of basic needs by people in this context. South Africa has undergone a liberal democratic transition and embraces the ideology of human rights. However, the right to food, and the “expansion of the „capabilities‟ of persons to lead the kind of lives they value—and have reason to value”1 lays enmeshed within the rural development dilemma, the language of human rights and freedoms, and the developmental objectives of the South African State. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been characterized by armed violence carried out against civilian populations. Despite a formal end to hostilities with outside states, numerous cease fire agreements and an internationally sanctioned disarmament program, Congolese civilians continue to be targeted in attacks. Research suggests that addressing the demand for Small Arms and Light Weapons as part of the broader disarmament process may decrease the proliferation of weapons and reduce armed violence. The research undertaken as part of this thesis attempted broadly to identify some of the factors contributing to the demand for small arms and light weapons in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It suggests that insecurity, weak governance and regional politics, historical and cultural factors and socio economic factors significantly contribute to the demand for small arms and must be addressed in order to reduce armed violence. ?

This qualitative research sought to examine the actual impact of HIV/AIDS on the human security of households in Bulawayo. The two research questions in this study where, how does HIV/AIDS affect the seven areas of human security? and has the economic crisis in Zimbabwe increased the impact of HIV/AIDS on households? This study utilized both primary and secondary data in which the later was consulted in constructing the literature review and to address specific aims one and two. These specific aims were: to assess the human security conditions in Zimbabwe and to examine the potential impact of HIV/AIDS on human security. Data was gathered in the form of two focus group discussions held in Bulawayo with faith-based support groups and also in the form of in-depth interviews with households which were not connected to the faith based support groups in Bulawayo. A total of 29 participants took part in this research representing 29 households. 19 of these households were represented in the two focus group discussions while the remainder of, 10 households were represented in the in-depth interviews. Human security is presented as different from traditional security in that the later seeks to protect nations from external threats while the former seeks to protect people from both external and internal threats such as threats of chronic diseases, hunger, unemployment, crimes, social conflicts, political repressions, environmental hazards and HIV/AIDS. These threats can be natural, manmade or both. Human security was assessed in light of the seven areas of threats to human security which are economic, food, health, environment, personal, community, and political security. Four major themes emanated from this research these being: the financial, health, nutritional and societal impacts of HIV/AIDS on the households in Bulawayo, chief of these being the financial impact in form of increased expenditure, reduced income and diverted investments of households. This study came up with recommendations that aim at reducing and ultimately eradicating the impact of HIV/AIDS on households these being economic empowerment, food aid, ARVs provisions, training in survival skills and orphan care. The major challenge was given to individuals, families, society and NGOs especially the FBOs to take the lead in implementing these recommendations as the government is not yet in a position to do so. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2009.

This PhD thesis examines the Gulf monarchies of Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates as they strive to transform their political economies away from dependency on hydrocarbon revenues into more diverse sectors of economic activity. In particular, the research attempts to forecast the monarchies’ chances of achieving the transformation into principally private sector-led economies, while maintaining absolute rule and excluding those outside the circle of the ruling élites from political power or influence. The central research question guiding the study is ‘Human and National Security in Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates – Should Climate Change Matter?’ The effects of climate change provide a useful lens through which to examine each of the states’ policies and actions as they attempt to cope with the physical degradation of an already water and heat-stressed environment, coupled with declining oil and gas revenues from the West as a result of international climate change agreements. The thesis applies a ten question research framework to each of the entities to produce individual case studies for comparison. The research finds that climate change is acknowledged as an issue by each of the states, but is not at the top of their list of priorities. Rather, measures to improve human security are aimed at maximising the economic productiveness of each country to make up the deficit caused by decreasing hydrocarbon revenues and enable the monarchies to maintain the high level of free and subsidised state services they currently provide to their populations. They believe the effective maintenance of services directly contributes to political stability which assures the continuance of their current system of governance where political power lies solely with the rulers and their close advisors. Essentially, the priority for each of the ruling families is not climate change, but regime survival, preferably in its current form.

This thesis studies the positions of the political groups in the European Parliament by examining the debates, focusing on the question of migration and more specifically on the policy of relocation of migrants. With the increasing number of people migrating into Europe, migration is an important question to study in the context of the European Union. The European Parliament consists of 200 different national parties composed in eight different political groups trying to agree upon common policies for legislation, which makes the political battle taken place in the Parliament even more interesting.    This thesis seeks to describe the positions of the groups within the Parliament by using dimensions and categories of state security vs. human security and EU-integration vs. state sovereignty. The study finds that a majority of the party groups in the Parliament emphasises further integration, however there is a more evident difference between seeing the issue of migration as a state security or a human security matter between the political groups. These findings are interesting, demonstrating that even in a sensitive issue as migration, related to states’ sovereignty, a majority seems to emphasise cooperation between states, indicating that further cooperation may be taken in other policy areas as well.    Key words: European Union, European Parliament, European integration, Migration, Security, Securitization, Human security, Human rights, State sovereignty, Dimension analysis.