Honor related violence has become a recognized abuse all over the world and violence against women carried out by the men in their families is and has always been a resurfacing problem in all societies. This paper will focus on the problems which relate to cultures where honor related violence is a more common practice and will depart from societies where men can take violent actions against women in the name of family honor and hide behind cultural exemptions. This paper is written to create a deeper insight to the needs and wants of subjected women and to understand their own perception of this type of violence and its underlying causes. This paper takes on the view solely of the subjected women and is a direct presentation of their stories and their lives. Instead of using outside observers this paper goes directly to the women living in these types of situations and represents the women based on their own wants and needs from society and authority. The methodological framework for this paper is through an inductive process of writing and is through observations and unstructured interviews trying to build a systematic description revolving around the victims of honor related violence. The interviews, biographic narratives, will ask the participants to tell a story about their lives, a biographic narrative where they will freely speak and this will be facilitated during eight in-depth interviews with four different women who during many years lived under abuse carried out in the name of honor by two husband, a father, and several uncles. The results of these interviews lead to the conclusions that women often are ignored and forgotten by outside forces such as police and organizations until a crime is committed.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate individuals who have moved to Sweden from Bosnia and Serbia and how they identify themselves, if migration has affected their views on their identity and how they define their sense of belonging to Sweden and their home country. The study is conducted through a qualitative content analysis that addresses possible differences between individuals who moved to Sweden in the 1990s and individuals who moved to Sweden in the 21st century. The theoretical framework consists of theory whichs links identity and belonging, theory of migration, theory of diaspora and a theory about Swedishness. What our empiricial evidence shows in the analysis is that there are two different types of identity, that differences exist in how to identify primarily because of the length of time found in Sweden and that individual experiences of opportunities and challenges encountered in the new society is the basis for how one relates oneself in relation to their identity and belonging.

This study explores the argument that Postcolonial Africa has been the setting for competing external language spread policies (LSPs) by ex-colonial European countries at the turn of the 21st Century. To explore the topic I examine the case studies of Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, in the time frame of the 1990s to the present. In both case studies is visible the pervasiveness of international European languages that has been fostered by the history, structure and functioning of the international system. African languages mostly remain circumscribed to non-official domains. This linguistic inequality reflects the power relations enacted in society and internationally. It further raises issues of linguistic/cultural human rights and the defence of language and cultural diversity that this study argues for. Associated with the European languages are foreign governments’ policies that support language spread in different measures and, in some cases, are at the origin of the internal language spread policy of the African countries. In Mozambique, my research identified overt external language spread policies undertaken by the governments of Portugal, Brazil, France, UK and Germany. In Guinea-Bissau, research identified external language spread policies undertaken by the government of Portugal, Brazil, France and Germany. Languages are dynamic and the linguistic situation in Africa should not be read as a simple dichotomy of European versus African languages in a positive/negative balance. As it has been deployed, the process of spread of official languages in Africa leads to their de facto supremacy and can be read as a ‘glottophagic’/language cannabalism process (Breton 1991, Calvet 2002b). It is thus imperative that a strong political will supports policies for African languages allowing the maxium participation of the people in the governing process and promoting socio-cultural independence from the outside world (Heine 1992). This study is based on transdisciplinary analysis using elements of sociology of language, sociolinguistics and international relations. Research for this study focused on the qualitative analysis of extensive documentary data and a series of elite interviews.

The global development of capitalism and the transition from ‘Fordism’ to ‘flexible accumulation’ intensified international migration especially the migration of professionals. ‘Flexible accumulation’ hinges on different forms of flexibilities mainly labour market flexibility, which is, made possible by dividing the labour force into ‘core’ and ‘periphery’. Migrant professionals, however, occupy a unique position. As foreigners they can be easily marginalised in the social, cultural and political processes in the workplace. At the same time they hold scarce skills that are crucial for the success of business organizations. The social ordering and the nature of interactions between employees at the workplace, generally, mirror what happens in the wider economic, social and political spheres. The reverse is also true. Thus, the workplace has the potential to perform an integrative function by connecting individuals with the larger society or by connecting individuals from different racial and ethnic groups. This is particularly important in heterogeneous countries, like South Africa, that are made up of diverse racial and ethnic population groups and significant numbers of immigrants. Despite its integrative capacity, there are also social and cultural processes that take place in the workplace that severely undermine its capacity to perform this integrative function. South Africa’s racial ordering during the colonial and apartheid eras created deep-seated racial divisions in the wider societal realm and the workplace. In post-apartheid South Africa the African National Congressled government has set up and continues to put in place structural measures to undo the impacts of the past political and workplace regimes. Unfortunately, some of the measures put in place result in new and unexpected problems and challenges. Thus, South Africa continues to battle with structural unemployment and critical skills shortages, which has necessitated the importation of skilled migrants. These migrant professionals, therefore, find themselves in a divisive environment in the South African workplace with limited opportunities for workplace integration. This case study of Zimbabwean engineers in the public sector of the construction industry in Pretoria and Johannesburg reveals that migrant professionals are far from being fully integrated in the workplace. They are faced with structural barriers that need to be redressed. If left unchecked these differential practices in the workplace will have negative impacts on the wider political democracy in South Africa. / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Sociology / unrestricted

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The diploma thesis describes migration and migration policy development of the Czech and Slovak republic, as well as theoretical studies dealing with migration effects on the labour market and on public finance of the migrants' destination countries. The core of the diploma thesis is an analysis of the relationship between macroeconomic indicators of the analysed countries and their migration flows, analysed by the regression analysis. The regression analysis is followed by a specific quantification of a potential impact of migration flows increase on public finance of the analysed countries. The main contribution of this diploma thesis is that it points out the connection between fiscal policy, migration flows and public finance of analysed countries. The main data sources are the OECD (2014) and EUROSTAT (2014) database and the analysed period is the year 1998 to 2012. I have come to the conclusion that there is a linear relationship between the increase of the selected macroeconomic indicators and migration flows of the analysed countries in case of the Czech and Slovak republic. This increase has negative or positive impact on their public finance, depending on type of increased macroeconomic indicator.

The partition of India in August 1947 was marked by the greatest migration in the Twentieth Century and the death of an estimated one million persons. Yet until recently (Ansari 2005; Talbot 2006) little was written about the longer term socioeconomic consequences of this massive dislocation, especially for Pakistan. Even when the 'human dimension' of refugee experience rather than the 'high politics' of partition was addressed, it was not specifically tied to local case studies (Butalia, 1998). A comparative dimension was also missing, even in the 'new history' of partition. The thesis through case studies of the Pakistan Punjab cities of Gujranwala and Sialkot examines partition related episodes of violence, migration and resettlement. It draws on hitherto unexplored original sources to explain the nature, motivation and purpose of violence at the local level. It argues that the violence in both cities was clearly politically rather than culturally and religiously rooted. The problems of finding accommodation and employment as well as patterns of urban resettlement are also explored. The thesis shows how the massive shifts in population influenced and transformed the socio-economic landscape of the two cities. It also addresses wider issues regarding the relative roles of refugees and locally skilled craftsmen in rebuilding the cities' economies following the migration of the Hindu and Sikh trading and commercial class. This analysis reveals that while partition represented a major disruption, continuities persisted from the colonial era. Indeed, Sialkot's post-independence development owed more to the skill base it inherited than to the refugee influx.

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Since the Swedish reception crisis in 2015/16, civil society has gained increased recognition for its contribution to integration work and the government has made efforts to strengthen its capacities. While civil society should be autonomous and independent from the state, many actors within civil society are dependent on state funding and face a number of difficulties that exacerbate its potential to contribute further to society. As such, this single case study aims to investigate the role of civil society in the local integration and civil society experiences of working with integration. The empirical material consists of seven interviews, two conducted with representatives from the local municipality and five interviews with civil society representatives. 'Governance' forms the theoretical framework of the study, which is employed on the collected interview material to gain a deeper understanding of the role of civil society in regard to integration work. Findings show that civil society fills a complementary role in relation to the public sector, in that it is suitable for work that the state is less able to carry out. Its function is mostly discussed in relation to the social aspects of integration. Moreover, the material suggests that remaining autonomous and independent from the state is difficult, mainly depending on a selective grant system that seems to award certain types of integration work above others; a system that facilitates a dependency on the state. As such, the study awakens important questions involving the autonomy and independence of civil society.

Domestic violence around the world increased, especially during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. The Swedish Democrats' however state that the increasing violence in Sweden is a result of the migration flow and an import of mediaeval values. The Swedish Democrats' claim they have the solution to develop the prevention of violence further.  The view of the Swedish Democrats' in their agenda is analysed within this thesis. Political statements, debates, and interviews, as well as information about the political party and their ideology is extracted from books, former scientific research reports and newspapers articles. The social construction of gender and men´s violence towards women is investigated using a combination of philosophical assumptions and specifically chosen theories to women´s subordinated position in the gender order in society.  The Swedish Democrats' fear that state feminism is pushing hatred of men that threatens individual Swedish men, nuclear families, and western civilisation. They are also worried about the change of men and masculinity. However, their understanding is influenced by the ideological beliefs on how the gender order should be organised.