During 2020 and 2021, a migration crisis has been developing on the Canary Islands in Spain. Large numbers of African migrants have made the dangerous journey from West Africa to the Canary Islands, risking their lives on the Atlantic Sea. Humanitarian aid organizations, like the Spanish Red Cross, are working intensively to handle the humanitarian needs of the migrants on land and on sea. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze why the migration crisis on the Canary Islands occurs. The migrants originate from different African countries with different reasons why they choose to migrate. In some countries, there are ongoing wars and conflicts, like in Mali. In other countries, people migrate because of poverty, climate change and displacement to seek a better life. This thesis will answer why Senegalese people choose to migrate on this dangerous route on the Atlantic Sea. The study is based on interviews with three Senegalese migrants and two representatives of humanitarian aid organizations. The analysis has been made from different migration theories. It shows that an important reason why the Senegalese migrants choose to migrate is that it is no longer possible to make a living by fishing and provide for their families. This works as an important push factor to migrate. Another push factor is the lack of trust in the Senegalese government. An important pull factor are the success stories from migrants who have made the journey through the Canary Islands. According to the aspiration and capabilities theory, the aspirations to migrate increase when a country goes from being very poor to richer. This is because the knowledge about the surrounding world and the opportunities increase. The study shows that migrants are well aware of the risks when crossing the Atlantic Sea, but they choose the route because there are almost no legal ways for them to migrate.

This paper explores possible solutions to the existing gap between human rights and citizenship and asks if society should replace citizenship with a more globalised or international form of “citizenship”? It further asks how society should aim to best eliminate the gap between human rights and citizenship? The paper uses an argumentative analysis to examine the theories of internationalism, global citizenship, and the democracy of demoi while considering cosmopolitan, agonistic, and anarchist viewpoints. In doing so showing the imperialist tendencies within global citizenship due to its need for universalism, and the possible alternative presented by the democracy of demoi as a pluralistic solution that accommodates agonistic views and anarchist notions of non-domination.

Dagens mångkulturella Sverige har många olika religioner, samfund och kulturer, som måste fungera tillsammans även i de svenska skolorna. Sverige har skrivit under olika dokument vi ska hålla oss till, men vad händer när dessa dokument krockar? Hur hanterar vi det? I Sverige har vi skolplikt men även religionsfrihet, och vi har insett att dessa två begrepp kan krocka med varandra. I dagens skola är religionsundervisning konfessionslös, ändå vill föräldrar befria sina barn från delar av undervisningen för att det går emot deras tro. Det är sedan rektorns uppgift att godkänna denna önskan av befrielse eller inte. Vad säger rektorerna om denna frågan och hur tolkar rektorerna begreppen synnerliga skäl och enstaka tillfällen?

La République de Djibouti, pays à revenu intermédiaire, apparaît comme un pôle traditionnel d’immigration pour les pays voisins. Colonie française d’importance stratégique depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, il a été une vitrine économique pour les ouvriers des pays limitrophes. Ce rôle s’est renforcé par l’attrait de la ville de Djibouti. Aujourd’hui, les ressortissants originaires de l’Ethiopie notamment les Oromo sont une des communautés étrangères les plus nombreuses installées à Djibouti, et plus particulièrement dans le quartier de Balbala dans la ville de Djibouti. Cette mobilité ou mouvement de la population (réfugiés, migrants économiques clandestins ou réguliers, trafiquants ou réfugiés politiques) est devenue un enjeu sécuritaire majeur pour la République de Djibouti. Les répercussions sociales, économiques, sanitaires et sécuritaires de ces migrations préoccupent les gouvernements des pays de la région. Mais comment s’organisent ces mobilités de personnes ? Quel est le rôle des individus et des réseaux sociaux dans la mise en place et le maintien des logistiques du mouvement ? Plus largement, quels peuvent être les impacts de ces mises en relation multiformes pour les sociétés et les territoires qui les accueillent ? C’est à de telles questions que nous nous attachons en proposant ici une lecture socio-spatiale du système migratoire Oromo. Analysant les stratégies mises en place par les migrants, nous révélons aussi les différentes étapes du processus migratoire. / The Republic of Djibouti, a middle-income country, appears as a traditional pole of immigration for neighboring countries. A French colony of strategic importance since the end of the 19th century, it has been an economic showcase for workers from neighboring countries. This role was reinforced by the attraction of the city of Djibouti. Today, nationals from Ethiopia including the Oromo are one of the largest foreign communities settled in Djibouti, and especially in Balbala in Djibouti city. So this mobility or movement of the population (refugees, clandestine or regular economic migrants, traffickers or political refugees) has become a major security issue for the Republic of Djibouti. The social, economic, health and security implications of these migrations are of concern to the governments of the countries of the region. But how are these mobilities of people organized? What is the role of individuals and social networks in setting up and maintaining the logistics of the movement? More broadly, what can be the impact of these multiform relationships between societies and the territories who are hosting them ? It is to such questions that we attach by proposing here a socio-spatial reading of the Oromo migration system. Analyzing the strategies put in place by migrants, we also reveal the different stages of the migration process.

We develop a model to explain two-way migration of high-skilled individuals between countries that are similar in their economic characteristics. High-skilled migration results from the combination of workers whose abilities are private knowledge, and a production technology that gives incentives to firms for hiring workers of similar ability. In the presence of migration cost, high-skilled workers self-select into the group of migrants. The laissez-faire equilibrium features too much migration, explained by a negative migration externality. We also show that for sufficiently low levels of migration cost the optimal level of migration, while smaller than in the laissez-faire equilibrium, is strictly positive. Finally, we extend our model into different directions to capture stylized facts in the data and show that our baseline results also hold in these more complex modelling environments.

Refugee-host community relations is a topic of increasing relevance, and sois the need to understand what shapes such relations. Sweden, having ahistorically liberal refugee and immigrant policy, accepted the biggestnumber of refugees in its recent history during the 2015 refugee crisis - theamount of which was the biggest per capita ever recorded in an OECDcountry. The attitudes of native Swedes toward refugees can be tied towhether they socially identify themselves as pluralists or nationalists, twoopposing social identities which, especially in the years surrounding therefugee crisis, are observed harboring hostile attitudes toward each other.Pluralists are inclined to have positive attitudes toward refugees; nationalistsare prone to have negative attitudes. While these two groups can beobserved, it remains ambiguous to what extent the Swedish populationidentifies with them. The political popularity of openly pluralist andnationalist political parties gives some notion; however, the inherentcomplexity of Swedish politics makes this method of deduction overlysimplistic. Seemingly contradictory, while support for multiculturalism andrefugee acceptance is decreasing, the percentage harboring very negativeattitudes toward migrants is historically and presently quite low, and agrowing number of Swedes are observed having increasingly positiveattitudes toward refugees and immigrants in their everyday interactions. Asfuture events unfold, it will be interesting to see what identity “the silentmajority” of the native Swedish population will sympathize with, as this willno doubt affect their attitudes toward refugees and change refugee-hostcommunity relations in Sweden.

The thesis focuses on the work of Grassroots organizations in Greece after the peak of the 2015 refugee crisis. The research explores their current problems in Greece and their ability to report freely on the migrants situation. The information was gathered based on interviews with key informants from 6 different Grassroots organizations working in Greece. Findings show that there is an anti-NGO movement within the current Greek government. Furthermore, the government has introduced a new harsh registration process for all NGO’s within the migration field, which can determine whether organizations will be allowed to work in Greece or not. This causes fear amongst experts and Grassroots whether they will be able to continue their work in Greece and advocating for the human rights of the refugees and asylum seekers in Greece.

Leaning on the framework of Critical Race and Whiteness Theory, this qualitative study draws on semi-structured interviews with second-generation Mexican Americans and White Americans to offer a yet untaken perspective on the fragmented nature of identity. It also sheds light on the ways racism and interracial relationships shape individuals’ notions of race and privilege. The study’s findings indicate that Mexicans perceive themselves as a distinct racial group situated in a “third space,” marked by a dialectic between externally ascribed and internally attributed racial identity categories. White individuals use color and power-evasion strategies to avoid cognizance of their own racial identities. However, their interracial relationships provide a meaningful premise altering the ways they perceive notions of race and White privilege. Shifts in White individuals’ perspectives occur in relation to heightened race consciousness, acknowledging White privilege, and racial inequality and includes behavioral changes resulting from their interactions with their significant others.

Abstract not available.

This doctoral thesis addresses one of the most significant topics in contemporary research in international migration; that is the education-occupation mismatch of highly qualified foreign workers in the labour market of a host country. The thesis focuses on the situation in the Czech labour market in the time-period between 2009 and 2016. By the possibility to utilize a unique set of non-public, anonymized individual data on foreign employment this thesis provides a first thorough empirical evidence on the level of mismatch of skilled migrant workers in the Czech labour market, with a dominant focus on quantitative approach to the given issue. Results of the research reveal that the mismatch between the migrant employees' attained (tertiary) and required education at their job occupations on the Czech labour market does exist and it is encountered by 20-30 % of tertiary educated foreign workers; moreover, level of mismatch has been gradually increasing over the given time-period. The differences in the level of mismatch then fundamentally differ across particular citizenship groups. The resulting level of mismatch of highly skilled foreign workers in the Czech labour market seems to be driven predominantly by broader social and economic drivers. More specifically, these are particularly a limited...