Le droit international, dans son rôle de « vigie » ou de « vigile » de la sécurité internationale, est parfois éprouvé par la délicate équation du défi de la paix en Afrique. En effet, depuis que ce continent est devenu « [acteur] de sa propre histoire », - avec le nouveau décor international occasionné par la fin de la période bipolaire -, paradoxalement, il est également devenu un terrain fertile en conflits. En dépit des mutations ou des « dynamiques du droit international », opérées par les Organisations internationales dans la pratique du maintien de la paix, la dynamique évolutive des conflits et leur nature irrégulière, posent bien de difficultés. Et c’est le nœud de ces rapports ambigus entre les Organisations internationales et les conflits en Afrique qu’il convient de tenter de défaire, en en appréhendant tour à tour, leur implication, puis leur contribution à la résolution desdits conflits. De cette double appréhension, émerge le besoin, dans les stratégies de résolution des conflits, d’une prise en compte aussi bien de la violence visible que de la violence invisible ; celle-ci suppose une réelle connaissance des vrais déterminants conflictuels. D’où la nécessité d’un droit régional africain de maintien de la paix car, la paix objective doit être accompagnée de la paix subjective / International law, in its role of "watchdog" or "vigil" of international security, is sometimes felt by the delicate equation of the challenge of peace in Africa. Since that this continent has become "actress of her own history" - with the new international backdrop caused by the end of the bipolar period - paradoxically, it has also become a breeding ground for conflicts. Despite mutations or "dynamic of international law", carried out by international organizations in the practice of peacekeeping, the evolutionary dynamics of conflict and their irregular nature pose many difficulties. And that is the crux of the ambiguous relationship between international organizations and conflict in Africa should try to undo in apprehending turn, their involvement and their contribution to the resolution of such conflicts.This double apprehension emerges the need, in conflict resolution strategies, taking into account both the visible violence of invisible violence; it implies real knowledge of true conflicting determinants. Hence the need for an African regional law peacekeeping because the objective peace must be accompanied by the subjective peace

Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T12:26:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T14:04:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Tese (Doutoramento) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T12:26:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T14:04:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Neste trabalho foram estudadas características gerais de laboratórios virtuais e de ambientes colaborativos virtuais (que formam um ambiente LV/CVE), tanto em seus aspectos tecnológicos quanto com referência ao perfil cognitivo dos profissionais que os utilizam. Em seguida, estudou-se detalhadamente um ambiente LV/CVE o VirRAD, que foi criado para capacitar profissionais de radiofarmácia, e estudou-se os aspectos cognitivos de seus usuários, analisados sob as perspectivas de duas teorias cognitivas de repercussão mundial: inteligências múltiplas, de Howard Gardner, e mindful learning, de Ellen Langer. As conclusões obtidas nesses estudos orientaram a proposição de aperfeiçoamentos ao LV/CVE focalizado, que foram incorporadas a um protótipo de aplicativo baseado no VirRAD, cujas telas são apresentadas ao final deste trabalho, sendo que essas conclusões também são aplicáveis a qualquer ambiente LV/CVE. / Tese (Doutoramento) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

Orientador: Carlos Alonso Barbosa de Oliveira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T15:49:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gimenez_DenisMaracci_D.pdf: 2879132 bytes, checksum: 09acceb38bf2c9f01bc7b981cce51dc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo mostrar que o projeto liberal de organização econômica e social, hegemônico desde o início da década de 1990, é limitado e incompatível com o enfrentamento da questão social no Brasil. Os últimos quinze anos são inseridos num recorte temporal mais amplo, que engloba os anos 80. O lento crescimento econômico característico da década perdida inaugurou um longo período de vinte e cinco anos de relativa estagnação da economia brasileira, agravada nos últimos quinze anos em meio ao processo de internalização da agenda de reformas liberais. Ao contrário do período desenvolvimentista (1930-1980), em que o crescimento econômico acelerado representava um elemento central da incorporação social, principalmente pelo mercado de trabalho, o lento crescimento econômico característico do projeto liberal de inserção do Brasil na ordem global é tratado como limitação primeira para um projeto social mais avançado no país. Em linhas gerais, apesar dos esforços reformistas democráticos nos anos 80, consagrados principalmente na Constituição de 1988, e de certa resistência das forças progressistas nos últimos quinze anos, o enfrentamento da questão social ficou condicionado ao padrão de baixo crescimento econômico e às conseqüentes limitações materiais no que se refere à dinâmica do mercado de trabalho, às possibilidades de financiamento do Estado, ao alcance das políticas públicas etc. Diante dos insatisfatórios resultados econômicos da implementação de reformas liberais na América Latina e no Brasil, patrocinada pelos principais organismos internacionais - FMI e o Banco Mundial - em consonância com os poderes nacionais, foi se conformando um processo de ajustamento da questão social ao baixo crescimento e à gestão econômica liberal-conservadora. Na linha do chamado 'ajustamento com face humana', trata-se de um processo silencioso e difuso de compatibilização dos interesses dos muito ricos (em geral rentistas, vinculados ao setor financeiro, favorecidos pelas benesses da política econômica liberal-conservadora, dos juros altos e da dilapidação do Estado) com a assistência precária aos muito pobres, por meio de políticas sociais focalizadas de transferência de renda, num quadro de desestruturação do mercado de trabalho, de crise permanente das finanças públicas, regressão da estrutura produtiva e do rebaixamento das condições de vida de amplos setores da classe média. Nesse sentido, afirma-se que o país vive um longo período de regressão econômica e social nos últimos vinte e cinco anos, reforçado na última década e meia sob a ordem liberal. Observando, em conjunto, movimentos estruturais e dinâmicos no período em termos econômicos, a regressão é identificada na comparação entre os avanços obtidos por outros países e aquilo que o Brasil retrocedeu e/ou deixou de avançar desde o final dos anos 70 no que se refere à estrutura econômica e ao crescimento. Em termos sociais, a regressão, definida pelo comportamento da economia, é compreendida como um progressivo processo de distanciamento daquilo que é necessário para a garantia do bem-estar social e, simultaneamente, da proliferação de múltiplas patologias sociais, tais como a violência, a degradação da ética do trabalho, da educação, a desqualificação da vida pública etc / Abstract: The present work defends that the liberal project of economic and social organization, hegemonic since the beginning of the 90's, is limited and incompatible with the attempt to overcome Brazilian social issues. The last fifteen years are brought together in a more wide scope of analyses, including the 80's. The slow economical growth which characterizes the 'lost decade', opened up a long period of twenty five years of relative stagnation of the Brazilian economy, worsened in the last fifteen years in the process that internalized the liberal reforms agenda. On the contrary of the developmental period (1930-1980) in which the fast economic growth represented the central element of social incorporation, mainly through the labour market, the slow economic growth that characterizes the liberal project aimed to include Brazil in the new global order, is seen here as a primary limit to the performance of an advanced social project. In general lines, besides all the democratic reformist efforts in the 80's which culminated in the 1988 Constitution and a certain resistance, in the last fifteen years, from the progressive forces, the confrontation of the social issues was restricted by the low pattern of economic growth and the consequent limitations to the labour market dynamics, to the possibilities of State financing, to the extent of public policies, etc. In front of the disappointing economic outcomes showed by the liberal reforms implemented in Latin America and Brazil, which were sponsored by main multilateral institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, an adjustment process to fit social issues into a low growth scenario with conservative and liberal politics, had to be complied. Following the so called 'adjustment with a human face', a silent and diffuse process endeavors to match the interests of the top richest (in general, rentiers linked to the financial sector and favored by the conservative-liberal economic policy of high interest rates and dilapidation of the state), with the second-rate assistance to the poorest, throughout focused income-transfer policies, in a wider background of labour market deregulation, permanent crisis of public finances and dropping of living standards for broad sectors of the middle class. In this sense, it is stated here that the country has been facing trough the last twenty five years a long period of economic and social regression, reinforced in the last one and a half decade by the liberal order. Analyzing the period broadly, in terms of structural and dynamic economic movements, regression might be identified when an international comparison is drawn between what some countries advanced and what Brazil regressed and/or could not advance in growth and economical structure, since the late 70's. In social terms, defined by the economy behavior, regression is perceived as a progressive process of moving way from what is essential to guarantee social welfare, when it spurs on multiple social pathologies such as violence, degradation of the ethics, labour and education, disqualification of the public life, etc / Doutorado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

[pt] Esta pesquisa pretende analisar o cumprimento - ou não - de normas internacionais por parte dos Estados. Mais especificamente, a aquiescência aos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio (ODMs) por parte do Brasil e os mecanismos que a Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) utiliza para promovêla. Utilizamos como referencial teórico as duas correntes tradicionais do instrumental teórico de aquiescência - enforcement e management -, a fim de identificar que mecanismos a ONU utiliza para promover o cumprimento dos ODMs. Em especial, pretendemos destacar no estudo de caso se o Brasil cumpre, ou não, os ODMs, e para tal propósito escolhemos um ODM em específico como objeto de estudo empírico: ODM nº. 7 - Garantir a sustentabilidade ambiental. / [en] This research aims to analyze the fulfillment - or not - of international norms by the states. The research analyzes more specifically the compliance with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by Brazil and which mechanisms the United Nations (UN) uses to promote it. For theoretical reference, we used the two views of the traditional theory of compliance - enforcement and management - to identify mechanisms that the UN uses to promote the fulfillment of the MDGs. In particular, we wanted to highlight in this case study if Brazil meets, or not, the MDGs, and for this purpose we chose a specific MDG as subject for empirical study: MDG. nº 7 - Ensure environmental sustainability.

Les questions centrales de la recherche et de sa problématique, nous ont semblé exiger non pas une approche limitée au seul contexte local – ici, brésilien –, mais bien de jeter un regard investigateur qui tiendrait également compte des implications du contexte international sur le pays en question. Il nous fallait comprendre comment les différents acteurs impliqués dans la définition de politiques pour l’adoption des technologies de l’information et de la communication dans les domaine de la santé se communiquaient, aux différents niveaux d’action politique, mondial, régional ou local. Parmi ces « acteurs », citons l’engagement d’organisations internationales faisant partie des Nations unies, telles l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé, l’Union Internationale des Télécommunications et celles qui travaillent dans le cadre de l’Amérique Latine, région géopolitique où le Brésil se situe. En soulignant le rôle de ces organisations dans la diffusion de modèles ou recettes politiques dans le monde, notre recherche a pris en considération aussi bien le phénomène de la mondialisation que la question délicate de la régulation internationale. À partir des constatations préliminaires, nous avons établi que la recherche devait se concentrer sur l’étude de la caractérisation normative du programme de télésanté brésilien - programme Telessaúde Brasil Redes -, face aux recommandations d’organisations internationales sur la question, et notamment des organisations faisant partie des Nations unies travaillant à l’échelle mondiale ou régionale, à savoir le continent latino-américain dans le cas qui nous intéresse plus particulièrement. La comparaison (ou confrontation) entre ces deux pôles nous a semblé la meilleure solution pour vérifier les retombées du global et du régional sobre le local. Compte tenu du contexte réformiste et d’autres questions relatives à la santé publique au Brésil et après avoir vérifié les bases normatives du programme Telessaúde Brasil Redes, on peut considérer que « sa création a été la conséquence de l’observance des recommandations internationales » ou au contraire, que « sa création se soit réglée sur les éléments locaux caractéristiques de la santé publique brésilienne et autres facteurs de politique interne ». Pour parvenir à prendre position face à cette dichotomie, nous avons défini nos deux hypothèses et nos méthodes et matériels de recherche. Il a fallu démontrer que les organisations internationales s’appuient sur des structures de sensibilisation qui visent à favoriser l’engagement des États membres pour qu’ils adoptent des modèles ou des recettes de politiques détaillés dans leurs recommandations. La démonstration de la présence des structures de sensibilisation a exigé la définition d’une méthode d’analyse. Pour ce faire, nous avons eu recours aux outils de l’analyse du discours (AD) et de l’analyse du contenu (AC) pour mettre en évidence dans les documents les éléments observables pertinents et pour les associer ensuite aux trois structures de sensibilisation identifiées: légitimité, efficacité et coercibilité. Nous avons associé ces trois structures de sensibilisation à un « processus d’acceptabilité ». Après avoir défini la base épistémologique et le corpus d’analyse, avoir séparé et analysé deux grands groupes de documents, nous avons demontré et interpreté le niveau de corrélation entre les observables associés au cadre normatif du programme Telessaúde Brasil Redes et celui des recommandations internationales sur la télésanté. / The central issues of the research and its problem, we seemed to require non-not an approach limited to the only local context - here, Brazilian-, but to take an investigative look that also consider implications of the international context on the country in question. We needed to understand how the different actors involved in the definition of policies for the adoption of information and communication technologies in the field of health is communicated at all levels of political, global, regional or local action. These "actors", include the commitment of international organizations forming part of the United Nations, such as the world Organization of health, the International Telecommunication Union and those working in the context of Latin America, geopolitical region where the Brazil is located. Stressing the role of those organizations in the dissemination of models or « political recipes » in the world, our research took into account both the phenomenon of globalisation than the delicate question of international regulation. From the preliminary findings, we determined that research should focus on the study of normative characterization of the Brazilian Telehealth Program - Program Telessaúde Brasil Redes - facing the recommendations of international organizations on the issue, including organizations part of the UN working on a global or regional level, namely the Latin American continent in the case that interests us more particularly. The comparison (or confrontation) between these two poles seemed the best solution to check the global and the regional facing the local. Taking into account the reform context and other matters relating to public health in the Brazil and after checking the normative bases of the « Telessaude Brasil Redes program », we can consider that "its creation has been the consequence of compliance of international recommendations" or on the contrary, that "its creation is set to local features of public health Brazilian and other factors of internal policy. Getting to take a stand against this dichotomy, we have defined our two assumptions and our methods and research materials. It was necessary to demonstrate that international organizations rely on awareness-raising structures that are designed to promote the engagement of the Member States that they adopt models policies detailed in their recommendations. The demonstration of the presence of the structures of awareness demanded the definition of a method of analysis. To do this, we resorted to the analysis tools of discourse (AD) and the content analysis (AC) to highlight the relevant observable elements in documents and then associate them with the three structures of awareness identified: « legitimacy, efficiency and coercion. We've combined these three structures of awareness to a "process of acceptability." After defining the epistemological basis and the analysis corpus, have separated and analyzed two groups of documents, we have shown and interpreted the level of correlation between the observable associated with the normative framework of Telessaúde Brasil Redes program and the international recommendations on telehealth.

The scholarly field of International Relations (IR) has been slow to appreciate the evolutions in forms of governance authority currently seen in the European political system. Michael Barnett has insisted that ‘IR scholars also have had to confront the possibility that territoriality, authority, and the state might be bundled in different ways in present-day Europe’ (2001, 52). This thesis outlines how modern governing authority is generated and maintained in a Europe that is strongly impacted by the many institutions, departments, and agencies of the European Union (EU). Using the specific cases of the EU’s disaster response organisation, the DG for Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid (ECHO), and the hub for EU internal security policy management, the DG for Home and Migration Affairs (HOME), this thesis understands the different policy areas under EU policymaker and bureaucrat jurisdictions as semi-autonomous fields of practice – fields that are largely confined to the groups of bureaucratic, diplomatic, corporate, NGO, contracted, and IO that exist in Brussels, decidedly removed from in-field or operational personnel. Transnational governance authority in Europe, at least in these two fields, is generated and maintained by actors recognised as highly expert in producing and using data to monitor for the risks of future disasters and entrenching that ability into central functional roles in their respective fields. Both ECHO and HOME actors came to be recognised as central authorities in their fields thanks to their ability to prepare for unknown future natural and manmade disasters by creating and collecting and managing data on them and then using this data to articulate possible future scenarios as risks. They use the resources at their disposal to generate and manage data about disaster and security monitoring and coordination, drawing on these resources to impress upon the other actors in their fields that cooperating with ECHO and HOME is the best way to minimise the risks posted by future disasters. In doing so, both sets of actors established the parameters by which other actors understood their own best practices: through the use of data to monitor for future scenarios and establish criteria upon which to justify policy decisions. The specific way ECHO and HOME actors were able to position themselves as primary or central figures, namely, by using centralised data management, demonstrates the role that risk practices play in generating and maintaining authority in complex institutional governance situations as currently seen in Europe.

Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.

After the Jomtien conference and the World Declaration, Education for all in 1990, by UNESCO, education began to be a topic of greater relevance for global politics, and not only for domestic politics. The thesis aims to examine the construction of the OECD’s discourse about higher education using Chile as a Case of study, through the analysis of the OECD’s document Reviews of National Policies for Education, Education in Chile, published in 2017, and on the Law 21091 of Higher Education in Chile promulgated in 2018. For this, from poststructuralist theory, and using the concepts of legitimacy and norm as a theoretical framework, discourse analysis is carried out using the What is the Problem Represented to be approached. Thus, the thesis reveals that the OECD discourse is built on OECD preconceived standards, and not on particular standards for Chile, however, this also leads Chile to recognize itself as a country part of a world elite.

Displacements caused by climate-related events have been on the rise throughout the last decades. The effects of climate change in displacement of people is still a field in construction. The people displaced due to the environment were first denominated as "climate refugees" or "environmental refugees". This thesis aims to examine the protection of the so-called "climate refugee" under international law. The main issue of the thesis relies on the fact that there is no general agreement on the refugee status of the "climate refugees". The refugee regime has the 1951 Convention as its cornerstone, and as such, the analysis of the Convention is crucial to comprehend who can be a refugee. The 1951 Convention is not the only legal instrument in the refugee regime. There are other legal documents capable of guaranteeing protection for refugees. This thesis discusses two other relevant legal instruments dealing with refugee protection: the OAU Convention and the Cartagena Declaration. It analyzes the refugee definitions and the main features of these specific documents. The three documents will be used to establish what sort of protection the "climate refugees" are entitled to under international law. The thesis will use two judicial decisions to evaluate the hypothesis of "climate refugee" being...