Cette recherche a pour objet l’analyse de l’impact d’un événement d’importance, le Front populaire, sur un département, le Finistère, essentiellement rural et fortement marqué par la question religieuse.Les affrontements y sont nombreux pendant toute la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Un puissant syndicalisme agricole s’y développe en s’appuyant sur une vie économique qui repose essentiellement sur le monde rural. Il cherche à filtrer les influences extérieures, y compris celles de la hiérarchie catholique, et à assurer son ascendant sur la société par le biais du corporatisme. En face, la société urbaine, qui a certes des velléités hégémoniques, vit ses propres antagonismes, entre un mouvement ouvrier en mutation et une élite qui durcit ses positions devant les manifestations d’émancipation du salariat. La pénétration des idées sociales est faible dans les campagnes, au regard des populations concernées. L’Église catholique, au travers d’un appareil militant bien implanté, cherche à conforter son emprise sur l’ensemble de la société. La crise radicalise les positions des uns et des autres. Les affrontements s’intensifient pendant la période nous utilisons les outils d’analyse sur les mouvements sociaux pour mesurer les capacités de mobilisation des acteurs, en croisant les sources afin de confronter les attitudes. Nous cherchons à voir comment se côtoient le monde urbain et le monde rural et comment cette situation apparente de blocs n’est pas perturbée par un troisième acteur, le bloc clérical .La lutte pour l’hégémonie se joue non seulement sur le terrain politique mais également dans le domaine social. / This research aims to analyze the impact of a significant event, the popular front on a department, Finistère, largely rural and heavily influenced by the religious question. Clashes are numerous throughout the period of the interwar period. A powerful agricultural union developed there based on an economy based mainly on rural areas. It seeks to filter out external influences, including those oft he Catholic hierarchy, and to ensure its influence over society through corporatism. Face, urban society, which certainly hegemonic ambitions, lives its own contradictions between a workers’ movementand changing an elite that hardens his positions before the emancipation of the wage protests. Penetration of social ideas is weak in the countryside, in view of the populations concerned. The Catholic Church, through a well-established militant unit, seeking to consolidate its grip on the whole of society, the crisis radicalizes the positions of each other. Fighting intensifies during the period. We use the analytical tools on social movements to measure the actors mobilization capacities, crossing sources to confront attitudes. We look to see how rub the urban and rural areas and if this apparent position of blocks is not disturbed by a third actor, the clerical bloc. The struggle for hegemony is played not only in the political field but also in the social field.

Costas Dimitriadis (1879-1943) est l’artiste grec le plus célèbre sur le plan international de la première moitié du XXe siècle, entre Paris et Athènes. Par ses fonctions, il contribua à la création et à la modernisation des institutions artistiques publiques grecques, en assumant de 1930 à sa mort, la direction de l’École Supérieure des Beaux-Arts d’Athènes. Dans cette thèse, nous racontons la vie de Dimitriadis en Roumélie Orientale, où il est né, et puis à Athènes, dans le premier atelier libre où il fit son apprentissage et ses études à l’École des Beaux-Arts. Ensuite, nous suivons la trace de ses premiers pas en Europe ainsi que le rôle déterminant qu’ont joué dans sa survie artistique certains membres éminents des cercles parisiens tels que Jean Moréas et Jean Pischari, de même que son mécène, le marchand d’armes Basil Zaharoff. En passant par Paris et Londres, nous déterminons les processus qui l’ont conduit à des commandes en France, en Angleterre et en Grèce. Nous recherchons aussi de quelle façon Dimitriadis se rangea du côté des gouvernements grecs pro-venizelistes (1922-32) en vue de la modernisation de l’État grec par l’européanisation des institutions artistiques et quelle fut sa contribution à l’exercice de la diplomatie culturelle. Finalement, nous examinons l’évolution décroissante de son rôle protagoniste, interrompu par la politique d’intervention du dictateur Ioannis Metaxas ainsi que par l’Occupation jusqu’à sa mort, en octobre 1943. Sans exclure les analyses thématiques, nous avons choisi pour ce travail de suivre une structure chronologique accompagnée d’un catalogue raisonné de l’oeuvre du sculpteur. / Costas Dimitriadis (1879-1943), who lived and worked in Athens and Paris, was the most famous Greek artist of the first half of the twentieth century. Through his directorship of the School of Fine Arts in Athens (1930-1943), he defined the role and viewpoint of public art institutions in Greece to this day. This dissertation traces Dimitriadis’ life and work. It begins with his youth in Eastern Roumelia followed by an examination of his studies in Athens both as an apprentice and in the School of Fine Arts. The dissertation continues with an exploration of his early career in Europe and the role Paris intellectual circles played in his artistic development, mainly the prominent members Jean Moréas and Jean Pischari, and his patron, the arms dealer Basil Zaharoff. In addition, this dissertation establishes the process by which Dimitriadis established ateliers in Paris and London, as well as a leading role in the art life of these cities as well as in Greece. His political viewpoints are also examined; for example, his support to the Venizelist Governments (1922-1932), which promoted modernization of the Greek state through the Europeanization of art institutions and his role in cultural diplomacy are documented and discussed. Circumstances that limited Dimitriadis’ leading role are also examined, including policies of the dictator Ioannis Metaxas and the Occupation of Greece during World War II. Although chronological in structure, the dissertation also explores thematic issues. It includes moreover a Catalogue Raisonné of the artist.

The focus of this thesis is on the process of myth-making (mythopoeia) in the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party (NSAP), using a cultural pragmatic approach to analyse the practicalities and implementation of mythopoeia comparatively. A variety of fascist performances, scripted and unscripted, are considered as having mythopoeic potential, and understood as performative in character, i.e. constituting the thing they claimed to represent. Multiple parts of this mythopoeic process are analysed: the resources, organisation, and technologies required to implement it, and the nature of the process, the events, performances, in other words the actual implementation, and reception by audiences. Secondly, it uses respectability as a means of seeing how in a national context this process was limited, inhibited, or otherwise defined by the standards of the public and media, to which fascists ultimately tried to appeal, thus providing an external perspective on fascist activities to contextualise them. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which deal with the party apparatus, leader myth, political uniforms, and the role of aesthetics and spectacle respectively. Together these chapters explore the relationship between mythopoeia and respectability as refracted through party organisation and administration, as embodied by the 'charismatic' fascist Leader, in the day-to-day behaviour and appearance of the rank-and-file, and ultimately the holistic experience of fascist aesthetics, i.e. the fully scripted and organised spectacles of party congresses. Ultimately it is shown that the fascist movements of Sweden and the Netherlands were highly innovative organisations. Mythopoeia had a powerful mobilising capacity, which could make up for the diminutive financial power and low membership figures of fascist parties. Finally it appears that the relationship between myth and respectability was not a straightforward dialectical one, but multivalent, and highly dynamic.

Lensemble des revues littéraires « modernistes et davant-garde » parues en Belgique immédiatement après la première guerre mondiale (jusquen 1922) est étudié dans une perspective dhistoire et de sociologie de la littérature. Lexemplification porte principalement sur les corpus des revues bruxelloises (LArt libre, Haro, Au Volant, Demain littéraire et social, Le Geste, Signaux de France et de Belgique, La Lanterne sourde, 7 Arts, Sélection) et anversoises de langue française (La Drogue, Lumière, Ça Ira). Une première partie de la thèse est consacrée à lexplicitation des choix théoriques et méthodologiques. Est dabord étudiée la place réservée à lobjet « revue littéraire » dans différents modèles de sociologie de la littérature (théorie des champs de Pierre Bourdieu, théorie de linstitution de la littérature de Jacques Dubois, études de la sociabilité intellectuelle). Reprenant la terminologie de Christophe Prochasson, lensemble des revues littéraires est appréhendé en terme de « réseau » (tissé entre différents « lieux » et « milieux »). Par sa plasticité, le concept de « réseau » désigne adéquatement lensemble des revues, espace ouvert et aux frontières floues, en permanente reconfiguration, hétérogène et déployé dans la durée. Le « réseau » des revues se développe dans une double dimension humaine (la revue comme lieu de sociabilité, comme milieu) et textuelle (la revue comme lieu de publication, comme instance éditoriale). Une seconde partie de la thèse présente dune part un panorama des revues littéraires belges pendant la première guerre mondiale (revues en Belgique occupée et revues du front) et dautre part la progressive reconstitution de lespace des revues après lArmistice. Dans cette période de transition, les enjeux esthétiques sont inféodés aux questions politiques à propos desquelles se positionnent les revues. Le débat principal (tant politique quarchitectural et littéraire) porte sur la question de la reconstruction du pays, conçue en terme de « restauration » par un pôle conservateur et en terme de « renouvellement » par un pôle moderniste et davant-garde. À travers létude des différentes prises de positions des revues du corpus sont encore abordées les problématiques du pacifisme et de la question flamande, toutes deux au croisement entre littérature et politique. Dans une troisième partie du travail, le réseau interpersonnel et intertextuel des revues littéraires est pris pour objet à travers lexamen des différents lieux et milieux qui le constituent. Létude des différents milieux imbriqués dans les corpus bruxellois et anversois est suivie dun chapitre traitant de questions matérielles concrètes (choix de format, modes de diffusion, financement, types de public visés). Abordées sous cet angle, les revues apparaissent non seulement comme des instances relevant de la vie littéraire, mais aussi comme des instances proprement « médiatiques ». Dans un troisième chapitre sont inventoriés les différents types de lieux où se déploie l« action dart » de ces revues (« centres dart », galeries et lieux dexpositions, tribunes médiatiques, maisons déditions). Le réseau des revues « modernistes et davant-garde » constitue une portion dun continuum plus large : les liens avec les revues et les milieux plus conservateurs sont discrets mais constants, tant sur le plan de limbrication entre les milieux que sur celui des appuis concrets sollicités par les revues « modernistes et davant-garde » pour assurer leurs conditions dexistence. La dernière partie propose un retour sur le modèle réticulaire, notamment sur les questions du déploiement du réseau des revues dans la durée, des enjeux historiographiques et du rapport de la littérature avec les autres champs. En conclusion générale, laccent est mis sur la période de transition de limmédiat après-guerre (1919-1922), où l« effet de réseau » est particulièrement perceptible, et sur lapport de la dissertation concernant les traits définitoires du modernisme et de lavant-garde, en ce qui concerne les revues littéraires.

This dissertation examines “race” politics in Vancouver during the interwar period as one origin of human rights activism. Race-based rights activism is a fundamental element of the modern human rights movement and human rights consciousness in Canada. The rhetoric of race-based rights was problematic from its inception because activists asserted equality rights based on an assumption of racial difference – a paradox that persists in human rights rhetoric today. While the late interwar period marks the origin of modern rights rhetoric, it also reveals a parallel turning point in the history of “race.” The racial categories of “Oriental” and “Indian” originated as discursive tools of colonial oppression. But during the interwar period, these categories were being redefined by activists to connote a political identity, to advocate for rights and privileges within the Canadian nation. While many scholars interpret the driving force behind the Canadian “rights revolution” as a response to the work of civil libertarians and the events of the Second World War, I argue that changing interpretations of rights were also a result of activism from within racialized communities. Interwar Vancouver was a central site for Canadian “race” politics. This type of political activism manifested in response to a range of different events, including a persistent “White Canada” movement; the Indian Arts and Crafts revival; conflict over the sale of the Kitsilano Reservation; the 1936 Golden Jubilee celebrations; sustained anti-Oriental legislation; and a police campaign to “clean up” Chinatown. At the same time, economists and intellectuals in Vancouver were beginning to recognize the importance of international relations with Pacific Rim countries to both the provincial and national economies. When “whiteness” was articulated by businessmen and politicians in City Hall, it was most often used as a means of defending local privileges. In contrast, the “Indian” and “Oriental” identities that were constructed by activists in this period were influenced by transnational notions of human rights and equality. The racial identities that were formed in this local context had an enduring influence on the national debates and strategies concerning rights that followed.

This dissertation arose from a need to derive an inclusive model for describing the historical meanings of progressive education. It considers reform rhetoric published in two widely distributed and accessible journals in Ontario, The School and The Canadian School Journal, between 1919 and 1942. These sources brought together a wide variety of educationists in the province, including teachers, school board representatives, members of the Department of Education, inspectors, and the staff of teacher training institutions, and were forums for the exploration of new and progressive educational ideas. Various conceptions and interpretations of what progressive education would entail were published side by side, in parallel. This dissertation describes the rhetoric of progressive education, which concerned three domains—active learning, individualized instruction, and the linking of schools to contemporary society—and considers the distinctions within this language. Further, this dissertation argues that progressivist ideas were interpreted and represented in different ways according to conceptual orientation and context. Three distinct interpretations of progressive education are described in this thesis. The first progressivist orientation was primarily concerned with child study and developmental psychology; the second concerned social efficiency and industrial order; the third concerned social meliorism and cooperation. Hence, I draw not only on three different domains of progressivist rhetoric, but also on three distinct orientations to reform. What emerges is a description of how different progressivists understood and represented Ontario’s transforming schools, in a context affected by the forces of modernity, world war, and economic depression. / Thesis (Ph.D, Education) -- Queen's University, 2009-06-14 19:00:04.184

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Classical mythology has been one of the main sources of inspiration for European artists for centuries. It also remained current during the 20th century. From the 1920s, one can see increasing interest in classical myths; it becomes a source of inspiration even for artists of avant-garde art movements. The 20th century artist approach themes from classical mythology from a position of newly acquired artistic freedom. Release of iconographic conventions and academic rules, emphasis on psychology and individuality of a modern man brings specific forms of reception and reinterpretation of classical myths. In many cases, classical mythology carries allegorical meanings in a relation to contemporary political and social events, often in a very critical tone. But it also represents a tool for one's personal coping with reality. The thirties and early forties of the 20th century with dark atmosphere affected by war conflicts represent the culmination period of classical myths in visual arts. The tendency can be observed both in the art of European and Czech origin. Antiquity and classical mythology become the symbols of a return to the roots of European culture and civilization, symbols of the common European humanistic heritage. The collection of nearly 180 works of modern Czech art inspired by classical...

The endeavor of this thesis is to throw light on the portrayal of women by the Austrian-Jewish writer Joseph Roth. Roth’s women are regarded as highly negative and thus the author has increasingly been judged a male chauvinist and misogynist. This opinion seems particularly questionable since hardly any studies on his fictitious women have ever been conducted. The present study aims at filling that void and thereby presenting Roth’s views in a more differentiated manner. A new approach to Roth is thus called for. The analysis draws from the socio-historic background in which Roth’s work is situated. In his journalism as in his fiction, Roth strived to demonstrate and deal with the challenges of the times he lived in. His work frequently revolves around the “damaged” post-war generation in the 1920s and 30s, the feeling of being literally and metaphorically homeless. His later works are mostly set in the past, although this should not be viewed as escapism but as an attempt to come to terms with present reality. The worlds he portrays are dominated by men who are neither whole nor strong. But although women are few and it is said they are depicted only in crude stereotypes, the study shows that Roth does address their problems and plights. By observing women within established types, modern and traditional, it is revealed that Roth indeed shows depth when characterizing women, and that his interest in them is to use them as examples to illustrate fundamental aspects of the human condition. Rather than portraying them subservient to man, Roth demonstrates their common humanity. His understanding for the condition of women in his times often becomes apparent only when the narrative perspective is isolated from the protagonists. Simultaneously his work presents a valuable literary contribution for Gender Studies. / Classics and Modern European Languages / (D. Litt. et Phil.) (German)

Chassé par l'arrivée au pouvoir des nazis en Allemagne, Heinrich Mann a presque soixante-deux ans lorsqu'il émigre en France, le 21 février 1933. Comment Heinrich Mann a-t-il pu concilier la continuité de son engagement intellectuel avec la situation même de l'exil et dans quelle mesure son engagement fut-il redéfini par cette situation? Heinrich Mann a compris très vite qu'il lui fallait réadapter les objectifs de son engagement pour pouvoir le poursuivre en terre étrangère ; c'est ce qu'il fit dès les premiers mois passés en France, par les essais qu'il publia. La ville de Nice, où il s'établit, est le lieu de l'écrivain, Paris reste le lieu de l'engagement intellectuel. L'historiographie sur cette époque n'a souvent retenu du personnage qu'une certaine naïveté, et son instrumentalisation par le parti communiste, point qui mérite d'être relativisé. Le roman d'Henri IV, écrit pendant l’émigration, reste l'un des plus grands textes produits par la communauté allemande en exil. / After the Nazis had come to power in Germany, Heinrich Mann at the age of almost sixty-two years old had to go into exile to France on February 21th, 1933. How could he adapt his intellectual commitment to the new status of exile and to what extend was his commitment in France redetermined by the life in exile? Heinrich Mann understood quickly that he had to readjust the objectives of his commitment in order to continue in exile. He implemented it already in the first months he spent in France in the essays and texts he published. The city of Nice was the place where he lived and wrote, Paris remained the place for the intellectual commitment. The historiography of this period has often imputed to him a kind of naivety of character and the exploitation by the German communist party, but this point has to be relativised. Young Henry of Navarre, written during his stay in France is one of the most beautiful texts produced by the German community in exile.