This thesis examines the loyalty of the Shi'a of Iraq. While some Sunni Arab leaders have recently accused the Shi'a of Iraq of pledging loyalty to Iran, in fact the Iraqi Shi'a are loyal to their own nation. The Shi'a have developed different identities in Iran and Iraq due to different historical legacies and patterns of conversion. Modern religious-based political activists in the two nations have responded to their different circumstances with different policies. Ba'athist Party programs that secularized Iraqi society collapsed in the wake of events in the 1908s and 1990s. Old sources of authority reemerged among the Iraqi Shi'i community in their wake. These sources, primarily religious and tribal leaders, asserted themselves after the American invasion overthrew Saddam Hussein. Shi'i leaders such as Sadr and Sistani have sought not to work in the interests of Iran, but in what they perceive as the interest of their own constituents. They share many interests with Iran, but have been willing to work with Americans. The thesis urges American leaders to see that Shi'a of Iraq as they are, not as Sunnis Arab leaders portray them, in order to avoid alienating the Shi'a and thus pushing them further toward Iran. / US Marine Corps (USMC) author.

It is expected that tourism industry is one of the fields that can boost female employment and therefore, can help redress the balance and empower women in Iran. Equal opportunities in employment assist them for empowerment. Being a tour guide is one of these opportunities, although most jobs are created elsewhere, e.g. hotels and restaurants. But for this thesis, tour guides are important from two aspects: first, it is a challenging condition that you find out what you are capable of and second; it is not an extension of traditional domestic roles, and it is a new role for women in a male-dominated job market.This study aims to investigate how female tour guides perceive their roles in the tourism industry and the elements of these perceptions among their family, colleagues, and tourists who could serve empowering or disempowering.

No description available.

MA, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand / This paper studies the North Korean Six-Party Talks This negotiation concerned the denuclearisation of North Korea. This is the overarching goal of the Six-Party Talks – to get North Korea to denuclearise. However, each party has their own personal objective that they would like to achieve. The paper discusses the negotiation process by looking at the strategies utilised by the members to achieve their outcomes, as well as the intervening variables (culture and environment) that affect the strategy and outcome of talks. However, the goal of this paper is to design a model based on the Six-Party Talks to simulate future negotiated outcomes. The paper does not purport that the Six-Party Talks is successful, as this cannot be claimed until the talks come to a close. What it does argue is that the talks have achieved a measure of success, proven by the achievement of two agreements and its continuance. Therefore, the paper believes that the Six-party negotiation is moving towards success. With that said, the paper examines the applicability of the model by discussing it with regards to the minor case study, Iran. This paper is distributed into six sections. Section One, is the Introduction, it situates the research problem. Section Two and Three, is Chapters One and Two respectively. Chapter obstacles to negotiating. Section Four and Five, is Chapters Three and Four respectively. Chapter Three is dedicated to the main case study the North Korean Six-Party Talks, it looks at the context in which the talks are occurring, as well as the delegates involved and their objectives for the negotiations. It then discusses the strategies used in the negotiation and then depicts the model. Chapter Four focuses on Iran, discussing the context of talks with Iran by the various concerned parties and following this is the discussion of the model with respect to Iranian talks. The Sixth and Final section, Section Six is the Conclusion which draws a close the discussion of the Six-Party Talks. One explores negotiations, from the definition of negotiation to the theories applied in negotiation. While, Chapter Two discusses negotiation strategy, by looking at the styles and tactics used in negotiations, as well as the influence of culture on negotiations and the that began in 2003 and are still ongoing.

Cette thèse a pour objet les relations littéraires entre la France et la Perse, à l'époque de l'Etat Qâjâr. Elle comporte trois parties. La première étudie les relations politiques et leur évolution historique, en particulier à partir du moment où elles recommencèrent à l'époque de Fath Ali Châh Qâjâr et de Napoléon Bonaparte. Plus tard, elles évoluèrent avec l'influence des écoles missionnaires, avec l'envoi de nombreux étudiants en France et la création, par les iraniens, d'écoles comme Dâr ol-Fonun (école polytechnique) et Dâr ot-Tardjomeh (école de traduction). La deuxième partie envisage l'évolution générale de la littérature persane sous l'influence des traductions d'ouvrages européens. Tendant vers une plus grande simplicité de la prose, la littérature socio-politique persane est née vers la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle grâce à certains écrivains comme Zeyn ol-Abedin Maragheï, Abdorrahim Najjar Tabrizi, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, Akhond Zadeh, Seyyed Achrafaddin Qazvini (Guilani), etc. La troisième partie s'attache au recueil Yeki boud o yéki naboud (il était une fois), de l?écrivain Djamalzadeh qui, influencé à la fois par la littérature classique persane ainsi que deux écrivains européens (Gobineau et Morier), ouvrit à la qésséh millénaire persane une nouvelle voie. Ceci lui permit d'aborder des thèmes socio-politiques et de traiter des questions qui se posaient réellement à la société. La thèse est une contribution à l'histoire littéraire iranienne, à l'histoire des relations littéraires avec la France, mais aussi à la réflexion concernant la réception créative de toute influence étrangère sur une littérature nationale à l'époque contemporaine / The topic of my dissertation talks about the literal relations between France and Persia during the era of Qâjâr kingdom. This dissertation comprises three parts. The first part studies the political relations and their historical evaluation, particularly a the time of these political relations resuming at the time of Fath Ali Châh Qâjâr and the Napoléon Bonaparte. Later on, they developed under the influence of missionary schools, sending many students to France and the establishing of schools like Dar-l Fonun (Polytechnic) and Dar-ot Tardjomeh (school of translation) by the Iranians. The second part considers the general development of Persian literature under the influence of the European book's translation into Farsi. Tending towards greater simplicity of the prose literature, sociopolitical Persian literature was born around the second half of the nineteenth century by some writers under the names of : Maragheï, Abdorrahim Najjar Tabrizi, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, Akhond Zadeh, Seyyed Achrafaddin Qazvini (Guilani), etc. The third part is devoted to Buddhist compilation Yeki o Yeki naboud (Once upon a time), written by Djamalzadeh who, influenced by both Persian classical literature as well as two European writers (Gobineau and Morier), opened a new chapter to the Al qésséh Persian millennium. This issue gave him further room to scrutinize socio-political themes and to cover questions being asked about the society. The dissertation is a contribution to the history of Iran, the history of literal relations with that of France, as well as the creative thoughts in terms of the reception of the foreign influence on the national literature in modern times

Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / In recent years, economic and political cooperation between China and Iran has deepened to levels never before reached. This thesis discusses the potentially far reaching implications the development in relations between China and Iran poses for controlling nuclear proliferation, international energy security, and the role the US plays in Middle Eastern and East Asian power politics. Monitoring the Chinese-Iranian relationship is thus important to the US, as its own influence across the globe could potentially be reduced as a result of cooperation between these two nations. With China newly confident following the global financial crisis of 2008, it appears that despite US pressure to stop, China is continuing to deepen its cooperation with Iran in pursuit of its own national interests. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

In 1979, the socio-­political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-­traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.

Vigorous debates have taken place in many European countries, and between the EU and the USA, about regulatory policy regimes covering the assessment and approval of GM crops. In such countries the debates have, to a large extent, taken place in public arenas and with the active participation of broadcast and print media. In Iran, a very vigorous and hotly-contested policy debate concerning legislation covering GM crops took place between 2004 and 2009, but it was almost entirely confined within the Government with no public debate and minimal media coverage. From early 2006 to late 2008 a protracted dispute occurred between different parts of the Iranian regime, which was characterised by an apparent stalemate. In 2008-2009, conspicuous policy shifts occurred, which culminated in the passage of a Biosafety Law by the Iranian Parliament (or Majlis). This thesis describes, analyses and explains the policy-making process from 2006 to 2009. It explains firstly how and why a stalemate arose in the disputes between ministries and departments. It then explains how that impasse was overcome, and how a particular policy regime came to be adopted. The chosen analytical framework draws mainly on two bodies of literature, namely the regulation of technological risk, and the analysis of public policymaking. A task-specific analytical framework is developed which uses the concept of the ‘framing assumptions', which underpin the particular positions taken by the diverse protagonists in the debate, to analyse the characteristics of the seemingly irresolvable dispute. The differences between those framing assumptions are used to provide an explanation of why the stalemate arose and remained unresolved for several years. The explanation of the eventual policy outcome takes account of those framing assumptions, but on their own they are not sufficient to explain the eventual policy decisions. To provide that explanation, considerations of the unequal division of political power between parts of the Iranian regime are required. The Iranian case study, despite some of its unique characteristics, can support several general conclusions about the dynamics of risk policy making, the conditions under which disputes can arise and those under which they may be resolved.

No description available.

<p>This thesis examines one of the most fraught and distorted relationships—the association between the United States and Iran. Contemporarily, most scholars and professionals associated with this connection evaluate the relationship in terms of politics, religion, power, and national security. Far fewer, however, evaluate it from its roots—the cultures, relationships, and dependencies that ultimately produced the prickly relationship of these two countries today. This thesis utilizes American authored travel narratives from 1921- 1941, written primarily by recreational travelers, to contradict American contemporary and paternalistic views of the relationship with Iran. This thesis posits that a nascent and unsure America depended on a pre-modern Iran to ease her into an impending modern existence.</p>