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Published Article / This article argues that, whether she recognises it or not, the translator is an agent, i.e. someone with an active hand in the intercultural communication process. This position endows the translator with the responsibility to make decisions in intercultural communication that can have far-reaching ideological effects. For this reason, translators should be educated to be able to take up this responsibility. In this regard, the author proposes the notion of wisdom as the aim of translator education. The article also argues in favour of indigenising and even subverting translations in theAfrican context.

This thesis investigates discourses surrounding upper and middle class Afrikaner women living in Johannesburg during the years 1948, 1949 and 1958. It uses magazines aimed at upper and middle class women as primary sources and also makes use of interviews with upper and middle class women who lived in Johannesburg during 1948. 1949 and 1958. The thesis uses women's magazines. educational magazines and church magazines, as well as the Vrou en Moeder magazine, mouthpiece of the Suid Afrikaanse Vrouefederasie. Conclusions are drawn about the status and role of Afrikaner middle class women in society, as well as the value systems operating at the time. Differences in discourse and changes over time are accounted for. The thesis also draws attention to the importance of using gender as an historical category, and attempts to broaden the method of history by utilising discourse analysis. / History

Studiens syfte var att undersöka om en jämställd fördelning av hushållssysslor och omsorg om barn påverkar föräldrars planer på att utöka familjen, samt hur värderingar angående jämställdhet samspelar med beteende gällande arbetsfördelning. I många europeiska länder är fertiliteten låg vilket kopplas till att kvinnors roller har förändrats under senare decennier. Andelen kvinnor i högre utbildning samt i förvärvsarbete har ökat, medan kvinnorna fortsätter att ta majoriteten av ansvaret för hem och barn. I Sverige är andelen förvärvsarbetande kvinnor hög samtidigt som även barnafödandet är relativt högt. Svensk familjepolitik har sedan 1960-talet skapat förutsättningar för jämställdhet och givit föräldrar konkreta möjligheter att dela lika på omsorgen om barn. Studiens teoretiska ramverk bygger på tre perspektiv. Gender equity theory utgår från att obalansen mellan graden av jämställdhet i samhället respektive inom familjen bidrar till lägre barnafödande. Gender revolution perspektivet vidareutvecklar detta och menar att ett ökat barnafödande är kopplat till att männen deltar aktivt i omsorg om barn och hem. Gender ideology perspektivet undersöker samspelet mellan värderingar och beteende, och hur detta har en betydelse för hur man upplever sin situation. Data är inhämtat från Generations and Gender Survey, och urvalet består av kvinnor och män som är 25-44 år, som lever i parförhållande och har ett eller två barn. Studiens beroende variabel är “barnplaner”, förklaringsvariabler är fördelning av omsorg om barn och hushållssysslor, samt variabler om jämställda attityder avseende mammors och pappors arbete, och materialet analyserades med hjälp av logistisk regression. Resultaten visade ett positivt samband mellan jämställd fördelning av omsorg om barn och planer på att utöka familjen, som dock endast var signifikant när interaktionen mellan värderingar och arbetsfördelning inkluderas i modellerna. Högst benägenhet att vilja utöka familjen har de individer som jämställt delar på omsorgen om barnen, men som har traditionella värderingar angående mammors arbete.

This essay is about the change of the Swedish party Socialdemokraterna (S). It is a very current subject, since many political newspapers write about that the party moves into the political middle. Apparently the party is not what it used to be and that is what this essay will explore and analyze. My purpose is to explore what ideal type answers best to the Social democrats change. The chosen ideal types are neo-liberalism, reformist socialism and the third way. And the materials I use are political programs from 1990, 2001 and 2013. To achieve my purpose I’ve chosen two different methods: 1. Content analysis 2. Idea analysis. Each of them has been very useful and to combine them has proved efficient. The results of the content analysis show that the party in 2001 and 2013 is using a different vocabulary than in 1990. The results of the idea analysis are that the political program from 2013 show that some of the ideas are divergent. For example, a traditional social democratic value is that the working hours should be shorter. But in 2013, the party doesn’t suggest shorter working days and weeks.

Due to the on-going growth of the Multiracial population in the U.S. (Rockquemore, et al., 2009; Shih & Sanchez, 2005, 2009) and the continuous struggle minorities face regarding racial attitudes, discrimination, and understanding their own racial identity, it is more important than ever for mental health professionals, including professional counselors and counselor educators, to work to further understand how these factors interact and ultimately impact Multiracial people. This study explored the relationships between the constructs of Multiracial identity, color-blind racial ideology, and discrimination in Multiracial individuals through data analysis including correlation, hierarchical regression, and moderation analysis. Participants (n = 287) were Biracial and Multiracial adults living in the U.S. Participants were recruited primarily through a southeastern university and through social media, and they each anonymously completed a questionnaire packet that included the following measures: demographic questions, the Multiracial Identity Integration Scale (MII; Cheng & Lee, 2009), the Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS; Neville et al., 2000), the Brief Perceived Ethnic Discrimination Questionnaire – Community Version (PEDQ-CV; Brondolo et al., 2005), and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (short version) (M-C II; Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972). Bivariate correlations revealed significant relationships among the color-blind racial attitudes outcome factors of Unawareness of Blatant Racial Issues and Unawareness of Institutional Discrimination with Multiracial identity integration and all four subscales of the experiences of discrimination variable (Exclusion, Workplace Discrimination, Stigmatization, and Threat and Harassment) with Multiracial identity integration. Controlling for social desirability and gender, a blockwise hierarchical regression indicated that several subscales of the constructs contributed to Multiracial Identity Integration. Surprisingly, participants’ Unawareness of Blatant Racial Issues and experiences of discriminatory Exclusion, most significantly predicted Multiracial Identity Integration. A moderation analysis revealed that color-blind racial attitudes does not moderate the relationship between experiences of discrimination and Multiracial identity integration in Multiracial people. Implications for professional counselors and counselor educators working with Multiracial clients, students, and supervisees, as well as limitations, and future research are discussed.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the two Swedish conservative parties Sweden Democrats and the Moderate Party by study how the two parties basic ideological positions relate to liberal and traditional conservative values. The four dimensions view of human nature (pessimistic - optimistic), theory of society (collectivist - individualistic), view on moral values (collectivist - individualistic) and view on economic ideals (collectivist - individualistic) are used as the analytical instrument to study the two parties ideological positions on each dimension, where the pessimistic/collectivist positions represents traditional conservative values and the optimistic/individualistic positions represents liberal values. My result show that the Moderate Party express a predominantly optimistic view of human nature, a individualistic theory of society, a individualistic view on moral values and a individualistic basic position in their view on economic ideals. The Sweden Democrats express a pessimistic view of human nature, a collectivist theory of society, a collectivist view on moral vaues and a collectivist basic position in their view on economic ideals. My result thus shows that fundamental ideological differences can be discerned between the Sweden Democrats and the Moderate Party.

Abstract This paper deals with the ideological aspects of the Irish epic saga Táin Bó Cúailnge´s first two recensions. The two versions, called Recension I and Recension II differ in some aspects and the purpose of this paper is to map out the differences, as well as the similarities. The analytic tool used is Bruce Lincoln’s myth theory that myth is ideology in narrative form. Using this tool I hope to give more understanding for the old Irish saga and also the people who wrote it and believed in it. The paper starts off with an introduction in research history in the field of myth and then continues explaining Lincoln’s theory and also takes up some of the criticisms against it. This is followed by a closer look at Táin Bó Cúailnge’s history, influences and its purpose. After this background the two different versions are presented with some notes on their origin, dating and authorship, and also short reviews of each version. To understand the ideological aspects of the two different recensions, the texts are first analyzed separately. This is followed by a comparative analysis, where the texts’ similarities and differences are examined. The paper is concluded in short at the end with conclusions drawn from the proceeding discussion and some last words from me, the author. Keywords: Táin Bó Cúailnge, Bruce Lincoln, ideology, mythology

In his autobiography, Thomas Jefferson argued that his goal in the American Revolution had been to eliminate “feudal and unnatural distinctions” in colonial American society as part of the struggle for independence. This thesis focuses on Jefferson’s years as a revolutionary legislator in the new state of Virginia, and argues that while he was correct in labelling Virginia a feudal society, his reforms were insufficient to the scale of social reformation that he identified. Material addressed includes Jefferson’s synthesis of British feudal and mercantile history that he constructed during the early years of the revolution, his proposed constitution for the state of Virginia, and his legislative reforms to the judiciary, landownership, the established church, education, citizenship, and slavery.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to examine to what extent the visual representations of ancient Mesopotamia portrayed the royal ideology that was present during the time of their intended display. The iconographic method is used in this study and this allows for a better understanding of the meaning behind the work of art. This method allows the study to better attempt to comprehend the underlying ideology of the work of art. The eight images studied date between three thousand BCE and one thousand BCE and this provides a broad base for the study. By having such a broad base it enables the study to provide a brief understanding of how the ideology adapted over two thousand years. The broad base also enables the study to examine a variety of different gestures that are portrayed on the representations. This thereby provides the reader with a better understanding of why certain gestures were used and how the underlying ideology was communicated through these movements. The study concludes that while the gestures lend a life-like appearance to the representation they do not solely portray an underlying ideological message. Rather, they enhance the already inherent ideological message. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek tot watter mate die visuele voorstellings van Ou Mesopotamië die koninklike ideologie — van die tyd toe hulle uitgestal is — uitgebeeld het. Die ikonografiese metode is in hierdie studie gebruik en maak dit moontlik om 'n beter begrip van die betekenis agter die kunswerk te verkry. Die metode stel die studie in staat om die onderliggende ideologie van die kunswerk beter te verstaan. Die agt bestudeerde beelde dateer tussen drieduisend v.C. en 'n duisend v.C. en bied 'n breë basis vir die studie. So ‘n breë basis stel die studie in staat om te verstaan hoe die ideologie oor meer as twee duisend jaar aangepas is. Die breë basis stel die studie ook in staat om 'n verskeidenheid verskillende gebare wat uitgebeeld word, te ondersoek. Hierdeur verskaf dit die leser met 'n beter begrip waarom sekere gebare gebruik is en hoe die onderliggende ideologie deur middel van hierdie bewegings gekommunikeer is. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat terwyl die gebare 'n lewensgetroue voorkoms aan die voorstelling gee, hulle nie uitsluitlik onderliggende ideologiese boodskappe uitbeeld nie. Inteendeel, hulle versterk die reeds onderliggende ideologiese boodskap.