Swedish school system is today victim of facing competition. Today sees the school leadership the students like customers whom they depend to operate their school. But I have asked myself, what will be the new students see and how much this spectacle in both money and time that project will cost for the municipality and school teachers. The question is if whether the school will be better when the competition becomes school or just better marketed? I'm interested in how clearly ideologies emerge in schools brochures if we study them at critically and analytically way. I will study how the independent schools present themselves and what ideas they describe. Can we see the ideological arguments that Reagan and Thatcher had in the 80s who proved their controlled Swedish politicians argued in the 90s in the published material from the Swedish Independent schools today? Independent schools can be seen as vanguards in the Swedish school policy. The Neoliberal winds blowing can probably be best reflected by the private sector in pursuit of the student base. At the same time, the independent schools on the side of the ideologies that best describe the Neoliberal doctrine. I'm interested in how and how societal change is implemented and how clear ideologies reflected in school materials in their struggle to become winners in the Swedish context of market adjustment. I will be studying the brochures from an ideology critical approach that highlights the ideological formulations that can be traced back to the basic ideology.

The main objective of this study is to question the potential of architecture as a representational medium of ideology. In order to exemplify this overlapping relationship between ideology and architecture, this study focuses on the headquarters erected by major parties of Turkey since the 1980&rsquo / s. Having a significant position within society and particularly being a part of political system, parties obviously define ideological formations in order to preserve their existence and also strengthen their position within society and the material existence of architecture is manipulated by the parties as an important tool for representation. Thus these headquarters, which are certainly virile tools in the process of aesthetization of ideology, constitute a model to comprehend this relation of architecture and power. All buildings concerned are erected after 1980 which marks another objective of this study. The ongoing period after 1980 under the influence of Neoliberalism offers substantial changes in political, social and economic domains in worldwide scale. Obviously, political agents in Turkey were also forced to experience such significant changes and redefined their ideological formations. Thus, these buildings can be considered as the concrete example of how architecture responded the newly emerging need refined due the neoliberal changes. Departing from that, the aim of this thesis can be defined as to discuss the role of the work of architecture in the representation of ideology, but also to question to what extend the alterations in this potential of representation has initiated by the changes brought by Neoliberalism. Lastly, the study will discuss the results of these changes within the sphere of ideology of architecture in order to map the transformation occurred within. This study will finally question what kind of transformations within the sphere of ideology of architecture has been triggered by the above mentioned changes.

The thesis examines John Thompson's Ideology and Modern Culture as an important contribution to the ongoing dialogue over models of the relationship between mediated communications and social order. The thesis argues that Thompson's contribution to communication theory lies in his development of one of the first successful attempts to integrate the strong orientation to meaning provided by interpretative theories into a comprehensive framework linking the situated interpretations of mediated communications to the idiosyncrasies of social ordering. Building on an evaluation of Ideology and Modern Culture's conceptual design, including its re-working of antecedents within communication, social and political theories, the thesis situates Thompson's project within the context of a post-interpretative turn concerned with the relevance and consequences of interpretation. In commenting on some initial limitations and weaknesses in this developing perspective, the thesis critically examines the dangers of over-emphasizing the significance of the interpretation of mediated meanings for the development of forms of action and for the construction of consequences.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Georgia, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 228-233).

Violent islamistic extremism has together with violent right-wing extremism been marked as the highest probable threat for potential terrorist attacks in Sweden. Research within violent extremism has shown a certain level of consensus around what factors drive radicalization. A consensus about theories or models that most adeptly explain its causation is however not prevalent within the academic community. This paper presents a model based on conclusions drawn from the Social Identity Theory (SIT) and will test this model's relevance by analyzing empirical data from interviews made with five practicing Muslims. The interviewees' attempts to explain factors of radicalization have been analyzed by being compartmentalized into an ideological- or identity-based continuum. Factors of radicalization able to be explained by the SIT-model have been categorized as identity-based explanations, whereas factors depending on knowledge, ideology, or religion have been categorized as ideology-based explanations. Most of the experienced factors could be explained by the SIT-model, while only some of two interviewees` experiences could be categorized as ideology-based. The significance of the empirical data from this research and its implications will be presented in the chapter of discussion along with previous research and its theoretical framework; recommendations for de-radicalization and continued research will be given at the end.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Time spent in the military has the ability to guide service members with political characteristics that influence voting behavior and political involvement throughout life. The objective of this thesis is investigating the relationship between military service and their personal political ideology. This thesis will address political socialization as an agent, while truly understanding the difficulty in what time spent in the service has. The research questions addressed are: How much does military service contribute to an individual’s political ideology? and, Does military service alter an individual’s political belief from a neutral or liberal perspective to a more conservative view? The variables of political socialization are as vast as our imagination, and is a constant changing process. The course from which we form our political views is indicative of the social constructs from which we are subjected to. The ebbs and flows of life experiences is for the most part planned. To what extent our life experiences shape our views could never be calculated. There are, however, variables that can be applied to almost all human life such as our peers, family, institutions, education, strife, success, struggle, and perseverance. Most can understand that family and school are important early in life. Later as adults; peers, literature, education, and socioeconomic status is more impressionable. This research aims to discover military service as an agent with the ability to frame forming opinions. Military service is not a rare human experience of itself, but is rare in its ability to hold all of the above variables in a complete surrounding environment. Military service has the unique ability to sever ties from outside influence, inhabit complete social submersion, force uniformity in thought, regularity in action, all during the time an individual is most impressionable towards political ideas. This is interesting as it tests a full immersion political socialization environment to what we label ourselves in the grand scheme of political constructs over a life time.

IIn the essay Symbol prohibition? - Ideology, symbols and hate crimes the function of symbols in the process of manufacturing hate crimes are studied from a post- structuralist ideology-critical point of view.The paper aims to highlight how such a theoretical standpoint can explain the motives of hate crime based on a post-structural theory in terms of social economy, power, and social dominance. In a post-structural hypothesis, we assume that economic power gives rise to symbols used to create ideologies. In turn, ideologies are used to create institutions such as racist ideas and ethnic groups, by creating a sense of unity, among ethnical groups and a sense of superiority towards other competing groups. Through this relative position of power, the dominant group creates a sense of inferiority in those who are dominated by hate crimes. In this text, we analyze two documents written by the Government and its Investigation to define hate crimes by investigating whether racism and other symbols should be criminalized.This paper problematizes both of these documents’ positions, which aim to create new laws, by pointing out that the structural understanding of the symbols is lacking. And that such an ideology-critical understanding would have resulted in a more nuanced and partially different conclusion than the Government’s investigation reached. Here, the author wants to show the explanatory value of ideology criticism in criminology specially deals with hate crimes .

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