The main objective of this essay is to find out and show as to whether the respective pedagogies of Paolo Freire and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak are free from the authoritarian and oppressive tendencies they both expressively seek to oppose. More specifically, the investigation presented in this text is focused on the relation between theory and method in Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Spivak’s “Righting Wrongs – 2002: Accessing Democracy among the Aboriginals.” The analysis of this relation, and these two texts, moreover, is informed by three interconnected research questions, asking (1) how Freire and Spivak prompt us to learn from the learner, (2) if Freire and Spivak manage to circumvent the danger of transference, of imposing the teacher’s agenda on the student, and (3) how the methodological leap (from theory to practice) of Freire and Spivak fit into their respective theorizing in a broader sense. As the inquiries above suggest, this essay pays close attention to the fact that Freire and Spivak both—albeit to different degrees—try to render their theories practicable, while still avoiding undemocratic methods that fail to take into account the voice and the reality of the student. By way of a close reading of some of Freire’s and Spivak’s central pedagogical concepts, a thorough scrutiny of the concrete methodological examples provided by the same scholars, and an analysis of Freire’s dialectical reasoning and Spivak’s Marxist/deconstructionist theorizing, this thesis aims to demonstrate that neither of these two theorists are completely successful in realizing their educational projects. In the case of Freire, this is primarily due to a methodological saving clause that ultimately functions so as to mute students whose voices are not resonant with that of the pedagogue, and in Spivak’s case, the failure finds its explanation mainly in the author’s deconstructionist tendency to resist the practice of offering concrete, overall solutions to complicated problems.

This thesis explores the films produced by leftist filmmakers of the 1930s which reflect the contemporary urban life in Shanghai.

A discussion of the important aspects informing my work, including, ideology, and feminism among other issues.

Submitted thesis The Portrayal of Czech Society in Petr Schulhoff's Film Comedies of the Normalization Era analyses the cinematography of the Czechoslovak Republic in the seventies and the eighties through the topic of social a ideological values which they present. Its primary concern is the question what are selected movies saying about Czechoslovak social reality of that time and which instruments of semiotic mediations are used for this purpose. The main assumption of the work is that also escapist entertainment described the era, setting and characters according to norms dictated by the communist government and thus help to stabilize the system.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between language and nation-building. The research is based on critical analysis of nation, nationalism, nation-building and language ideology theories. These theories are applied in the case study: Language as a symbol of the Ukrainian national identity. In order to analyze the origins of such symbolism, the Ukrainian nation-building project is analyzed in historical and political context. In the case study the model of the Ukrainian nation-building is examined through the prism of language policy. This thesis outlines the shortcomings of current state language policy and suggests recommendations for its future improvement.

Resume The main concern of the thesis is about institution of school as a scope of changeover domain of episthemical, ethical and economic/political/power discourse. The methodological approach based on the Michel Foucault's theory of the power and knowledge concurrence is used. Further, several perceptions of critical economics, sociology and political studies are also utilised. The hypothesis is that the institution of school have been methamorphosed coherently to the discourses and within of contexts of transfiguration of social-economic conditions in the course of human events, specifically in 19th , 20th and 21st centuries. The school is considered a power. The institution of school is changing its contents and functions during the history, however, the power has been kept as its proper characteristic in any case. And as the thesis demonstrates that power is even becoming a softer and subtle one while being accordant with the current claims of global capitalism. That can be expressed by the concept of so-called "knowledge society".

This thesis explores hybridity and ethnicity in Nickerie, Western Suriname. It undertakes this exploration from the perspective of doglas, Surinamese people with mixed African and Asian parentage. In Suriname’s postcolonial process of nation-building, ethnicity has been essentialized, with doglas representing a category of anomaly, but also of uncertainty. What I have termed ‘dogla discourse’ refers to the opinions, experiences and negotiations among and about doglas in Nickerie that both shored up and destabilized Suriname’s ethnic essentialism. Dogla discourse fuses and confuses ethnic categories and boundaries in its insistent hybridity. The thesis shows that being dogla does not simply align with common tropes of ‘mixed-race’. I argue that in embracing conflicting paradigms of ethnicity, doglas in Nickerie both emphasized and undermined ethnic essentialism. This was expressed in idioms of kinship and sexual relations, in notions of the pure/impure dogla body, and in the relevance and irrelevance of ‘cultural spirituality’. Furthermore, dogla discourse problematized the role of ethnicity in the enduring struggles of how to define ‘the national’ in postcolonial states. Thus, the thesis presents an ethnographic contribution to studies of ‘mixed-race’ in contexts of postcolonial nation-building, and theoretically expands conceptualizations of ‘the hybrid’.

Is there support for voluntary sterilization incentives in the U.S.? Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of four families spanning three generations in Bucktown, a 95% white, middle-class neighborhood which sent David Duke, former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, to the Louisiana House of Representatives in 1989. Interviews explain support and opposition to current Louisiana State Representative John LaBruzzo's policy suggestion to "end generational welfare" by offering citizens $1000 in exchange for having their fallopian tubes tied or receiving vasectomies. Most respondents expressed that the sterilization proposal was targeted at low-income blacks. Although work ethic deficiency was used to frame poverty and welfare-dependency, support and opposition for the proposal was ultimately divided along racial ideological lines. Although Bucktonians have disassociated themselves from Duke and are upwardly mobile socio-economically, right-wing populist ideology remains salient.

On the 22nd of July 2011, Norwegian lone actor Anders Behring Breivik decided tocarry out his life mission; a mission, which resulted in two separate terrorist attackskilling 77 individuals linked to the Norwegian Labour Party. The attacks directlycontributed to launch the second violence wave of the modern right-wing extremistmovement, turning it into the most violent movement of today in Western Europe. Theyalso contributed to establish Breivik as a template and a hero for many of theindividuals active in the right-wing extremist movement, making other right-wing loneactors follow Breivik's methods and committing crimes in the name of the sameideology as him. But which specific moral arguments did Breivik use in order to justifyand promote "his" ideology, and beyond that, his crime? In order to answer thatquestion, in this thesis, Breivik's manifesto was analysed using the situational actiontheory as a moral base. A simple discourse analysis framed by the intersectionalperspective was used as a method, and the analysis resulted in three main themes -Ethnicity, Religion, and Gender - as well as six sub-themes that highlighted the fight-forand the fight-against dimensions of each theme. In the discussion, the violent languageand the hierarchical order of the themes were examined, which demonstrated that acriminological perspective is needed when the connection between ideology and crimeis to be understood. The thesis was thereafter concluded with the notion that ideologyneeds to be seen as an independent risk factor in order for these types of crimes to beprevented. / <p>2016-06-01</p>

Isa 10:5–34 has long been understood as an oracle, like many others in the Book of First Isaiah, that expresses anti-Assyrian theology. The text inverts several policies and ideologies of Neo-Assyrian imperialism and projects them back on Assyria, portraying the Assyrian king, in particular, as the primary object of Yahweh’s derision. However, Isa 10:5–34 appears to be doing more than simply offering a polemic of Neo-Assyrian ideology; the text provides a detailed, systematic attack of key policies and ideology that define the Neo-Assyrian colonial mission, all of which is done to comfort a Judean population suffering and afraid under Assyrian rule. Thus, anti-Assyrian theology, on its own, might not be a useful term for defining the function of the text. When read in light of modern scholarship discussing the phenomenon of terrorism, however, Isa 10:5–34 takes on a different character. This Isaianic oracle might not be merely an expression of anti-Assyrian theology but, instead, an ancient rhetoric of counter-terrorism. / 2021-07-23T00:00:00Z