One in every 4 people living with the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) are women. The leading cause of infection is heterosexual contact. The purpose of this quantitative, correlational study was to examine the relationship between gender ratio perception and masculine ideology and a woman's decision to use condoms during her sexual activity. The theory of gender and power and the theory of planned behavior served as the theoretical frameworks for this study. The perceptions of gender ratios, as measured by the Gender Ratio Imbalance Beliefs and Behaviors Scale (GRIBBS) subscale, GRIBeliefs, and masculine ideologies, as measured by the Gender Role Beliefs Scale (GRBS), served as independent variables, while condom use behaviors, as measured by the Gender Ratio Imbalance Beliefs and Behaviors Scale (GRIBBS) subscale, GRIBehaviors, served as the dependent variable. Covariates included demographic factors, as well as behavioral factors. A purposeful, convenience sample (n=55) via the Walden University research pool was utilized, enabling researchers to use readily available data that represented college educated women. Descriptive statistics, independent t-tests, correlational analysis, as well as multiple linear regression were used to examine the aforementioned perceptions of study participants. Correlation analyses and multiple regression indicated no statistically significant correlations between gender ratio imbalance, masculine ideology, and condom use, while controlling for race, employment status, religion, religious devoutness, sexual orientation, relationship status, STD history (self), and partner STD history. Social change is indicated via the results illustrating the possible empowerment of women regarding their sexual health.

Since 2000, the southern Israeli town of Sderot and a neighboring rural region, Otef Aza, have been frequently exposed to nearly identical terror attacks by Hamas. While only a small minority of Otef Aza residents have been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), more than a third of Sderot residents have been diagnosed with PTSD. Factors such as social cohesion and ideology may be the unique factors that protect Otef Aza kibbutzim residents from PTSD; however, a gap in the literature exists as to how these same factors might affect PTSD symptomology in Sderot residents. Orthodox religiosity has also been associated with reduced PTSD symptoms in Sderot; however, previous research on religiosity has analyzed demographic characteristics and did not use a measure assessing dimensions of religiosity. The purpose of this quantitative study was to examine the impact of sense of community, ideology, and religiosity on PTSD symptoms among Sderot residents. The theoretical foundation of this study was the diathesis-stress model of PTSD. A survey was completed by a convenience sample of Sderot residents (n = 118). Standard multiple linear regression revealed that ideology, intrinsic religiosity, nonorganizational religious activity, and the fulfillment of needs dimension of sense of community were significant predictors of PTSD symptomatology. Study findings suggested protective factors which could help a large portion of the population. These findings have implications for positive social change for the residents of Sderot by enhancing their opportunities for increased positive interactions, well-being, and meaning and value in their lives.

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science))--University of Limpopo, 2007 / Since 1913 black South Africans have been forcefully dispossessed of land under the racist land laws of the successive white South African governments. In 1994 the black government began to pass land laws that were supposed to provide blacks with land ownership rights. Ten years later blacks have re-claimed less than four percent of the eighty seven percent of the land they were dispossessed of. The failure to return dispossessed land to blacks is attributed to the ideology of the current government with respect to its land policy. This study attempts to fill the void regarding the ideological implications of the land reform policy of the post-apartheid government. We speculate that neo-liberal implications are dominant within this policy. Social democracy can overcome the failure of the policy as it is cost-effective and efficient and attempts to achieve social justice. It can therefore afford dispossessed and landless blacks land ownership.

Although White Americans experience less frequent and less severe forms of discrimination than racial minorities (Schmitt & Branscombe, 2002), White Americans may actually be more likely to make claims of discrimination compared to racial minorities (Goldman, 2001). The present research investigated evaluations of White and Black American discrimination claimants’ political views and prejudicial attitudes. Across two studies, a White American target was evaluated as more politically conservative when claiming discrimination compared to a control condition. In contrast, a Black American target was evaluated as more politically liberal when claiming discrimination compared to a control condition. Both the White and Black American target were evaluated as more prejudiced against the outgroup when claiming discrimination, however the increase in prejudice evaluations was more pronounced for the White American target. The present research suggests that lay individuals make distinct inferences about the political views and prejudicial attitudes of White versus Black American discrimination claimants. / acase@tulane.edu

Pendant bien longtemps, les Fastes d’Ovide sont demeurés une œuvre dépréciée ou considérée comme nepouvant appartenir à cet auteur : on n’y reconnaissait pas les traits du poète badin, chantre de l’amour. Nous noussommes ainsi demandé d’où venait cette impression de ne pas reconnaître le style ovidien. Il apparaît au premier abordque cela vienne du fait qu’Ovide affiche ostensiblement une posture nouvelle à travers le genre de l’étiologie : enretraçant les rites du calendrier romain, il endosse une posture plus officielle et sérieuse, étant tour à tour un historienou un uates et se faisant le relais des valeurs morales de la cité selon l’idéologie augustéenne. Mais très vite, on se rendcompte que cet éthos est miné par des passages qui entrent en contradiction avec lui : Ovide joue avec les codes duuates épique, se moque de certains personnages fondateurs selon la propagande d’Auguste, et intervientsubjectivement dans son œuvre sans respecter la neutralité que les genres de l’étiologie, de l’histoire et de l’épopéeparaissaient lui imposer. Or, il s’avère que ce jeu avec les frontières génériques, ce détournement de modèlestraditionnels relève du style propre aux noui poetae, le modèle callimachéen ainsi que le choix du distique élégiaquenous mettant sur la voie : Ovide reprend certains tours ou thèmes chers aux élégiaques, renouant avec sa Musa lasciuaque croyons abandonnée pour cette œuvre. Les Fastes sont donc à plus d’un titre problématiques et soulèvent desquestions qui dépassent son simple cadre : comment le style ovidien a-t-il évolué et at-il vraiment évolué au fil de sesœuvres ? Quel rapport les noui poetae entretiennent-ils avec la propagande augustéenne et d’une manière généraleavec les genres littéraires traditionnels ? Comment un auteur se dit-il dans son œuvre ? Peut-il se défaire de l’imageprédiscursive que les lecteurs se font de lui ? Comment cette image préalable oriente-t-elle notre lecture de l’œuvre etla perception que l’on a de son auteur ? Un auteur peut-il combiner des éthé radicalement différents au sein d’unemême œuvre ? / For many years, Ovid’s « Fasti » have been either depreciated or regarded as it it were not his work. We could not recognize the characteristics of the playful poet, the bard of love. We therefore wondered ourselves why no one was able to accredit the Ovid’s style. At first sight, it may come from the fact that Ovid happens to conspicuously parade about a new position regarding the definition of aetiology. Whilst tracing the rites of the Roman calendar, he assumes a more serious and official position, being in turns a historian or uates and transmitting the moral values of the Augustean ideology in the city. But quickly, we come to realize that this ethos is undermined by some contradictory passages: Ovid plays with the codes of the epic uates, he mocks some founding characters of the Augustean propaganda and subjectively expresses himself in his work without respecting the neutrality imposed by the genre of both the aetiology, the story and the epic poem. However, for Ovid to play with the generic limits and to distort the traditional templates corresponds to the noui poetae ‘s proper stylistic device, as the Callimachean model and the elegiac rhyming couplet can hint at: Ovid takes another look at some of the elegiac poets’ favourite tricks or topics and revives with his Musa Lasciva which was presumably forsaken. The “Fasti” are therefore all the more so problematic as they raise some questions that are beyond its scope: indeed, how has Ovid’s style evolved? Besides, has it really evolved through his works? How did the noui poetae perceive the Augustean propaganda and, generally speaking, the traditional literary genres? How does an author reveal himself in his work? Can he part with how the readers preconceived him? How can this preconception orientate our reading of the work and of the author? Can an author blend different “ethe” inside a single work?

I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).

This dissertation examines the connection between language ideologies and second language learning, specifically in the case of American Sign Language. I argue that students' and teachers' ideologies about American Sign Language (ASL) influence the goals and pedagogies of ASL teachers. ASL students enter the classroom with ideologies that conflate ASL with gesture or view it as simplified visual English. ASL students also view deafness as a disability that needs to be fixed. This contrasts with ASL teachers' view that Deaf people are a distinct cultural minority who wish to remain Deaf. As a result, ASL teachers' goals focus on teaching ASL students to respect Deaf people and their language. This leads to three major pedagogical differences with teachers of spoken languages. First, ASL teachers focus their cultural lessons on teaching their students a non-pathological view of Deafness. Second, ASL teachers are far more likely than spoken language teachers to think that a member of Deaf Culture should teach ASL. Finally, ASL teachers go to greater lengths than spoken language teachers to avoid the use of English in their classrooms. This research was conducted at five different public universities in the United States. I observed ASL classes at all five universities and a Spanish class at one university. I administered a survey at four of the five universities. I interviewed ASL teachers and teachers of other languages at all five universities.

Orientador: Marcia Reami Pechula / Resumo: O Discurso Sobre o Emagrecimento (DSE) circula no Facebook e Instagram, produzindo sentidos que afetam sujeitos que acompanham diariamente perfis de leigos e profissionais de saúde nessas redes sociais. Os dizeres do senso comum e os que são apropriados do meio científico são repetidos infinitamente, até que seus sentidos se tornem naturais por efeito da ideologia. Emagrecer nunca pareceu tão simples, e seguir as “dicas” disponíveis na internet faz com que se reforcem discursos que não são benéficos à população, causando risco de adoecê-la ainda mais, já que a obesidade é considerada uma pandemia na atualidade. Duas posições sujeito (leigos e profissionais de saúde) foram acompanhadas, e seus discursos compuseram o corpus, que foi se revelando aos poucos e mostrando como no DSE o sujeito se movimenta a todo instante, identificando-se e desidentificando-se com sentidos de uma formação discursiva bastante heterogênea. O verbal e o não verbal foram considerados em suas materialidades distintas, significando em conjunto, e, mesmo quando houve a necessidade de verbalização, as imagens e seu modo de significar singulares foram destacados. Por haver uma aproximação dos discursos das duas posições sujeito em um espaço onde as linhas que separam o científico do não científico estão cada vez mais finas e esburacadas, elegemos o discurso da dona de casa Eloísa Helena para mostrar os movimentos do DSE, seus sentidos mais recorrentes e como a ideologia trabalha em uma era de pós-verdade, ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Discourse on Slimming (DSE) circulates on Facebook and Instagram, producing meanings that affect subjects that daily accompanies profiles of laypeople and health professionals in these social networks. The sayings of common sense and those appropriated of the scientific community are repeated infinitely until their meanings become natural by the effect of ideology. Slimming never seemed so simple, and following the "tips" available on the internet, reinforces discourses that are not beneficial to the population, causing the risk of getting it sick even more, since obesity is considered a pandemic nowadays. Two subject positions (laypeople and health professionals) were followed, and their discourses composed the corpus, which gradually revealed itself and showed how in the DSE the subject moves at all times, identifying and disidentificating himself with meanings of a very heterogeneous discursive formation. Verbal and nonverbal were considered in their distinct materialities, meaning together, and even when there was a need for verbalization, the images and their singular way of meaning were highlighted. Because there is an approximation in the discourses of the two subject positions in a space where the lines that separate the scientific from the non-scientific are increasingly thin and bumpy, we choose the discourse of the housewife Eloisa Helena to show the movements of the DSE, their recurrent meanings and how ideology works in an era of post-truth, in which the meanings... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

English K-6 syllabus and support document (1994) is NSW's 'Clayton's' Primary English syllabus in that it was released in 1994, was 'on hold' and under review in early 1995 then recommended for revision by 1998. This is an extraordinary example of 'the written curriculum' of subject English, a site of intense ideological and pedagogical contestation. The Report produced by the Eltis Committee of Review, Focus on learning : Report of the Review of Outcomes and Profiles in New South Wales Schooling (1995) recommended immediate revision of 2 aspects of the syllabus in particular : firstly, the removal from English K-6 Syllabus of outcome statements from the National Profiles and secondly, the removal of the model of grammar endorsed in the document, 'Functional Grammar'. The history of the paradigm shift from State outcomes in syllabus documents, to the inclusion of National Profiles outcomes statements, forms the first part of this study. The recommendation of the Eltis Report to remove 'Functional Grammar' from the syllabus was politically motivated and had pedagogical implications for all those teachers, professional English educators and scholars who have been in divisive debate for nearly a decade about the broadest aspect of the frame of 'Functional Grammar', namely genre, or 'text type' as it is termed in English K-6 Syllabus. This study also looks at the history of the genre theory debate about teaching students to write and the paradigm shift that led to the inclusion of genre theory in the 1994 syllabus. This study, then, examines the essentially political nature of the school subject, English, in a regional educational context of the State of NSW. By presenting a brief curriculum history of the English K-6 Syllabus and Support Document (1994) it will be seen that a curriculum document can be a focus for power struggles between State and Commonwealth Governments and a site of contestation within the educational communities who are stakeholders in subject English / Master of Education (Hons)

This thesis maintains that, far from being politically impartial bodies, as professional associations might suggest, professions as a whole are resolutely influenced in their activities by the political will of the times. At the beginning of the third millennium, this ???will??? is described as neocorporatism, an ideology based on corporate structure and third sector co-governance. The research highlights the interrelationships between professions and ideology. A case study of the Canadian Institute of Planners - CIP - demonstrates how this neocorporatist philosophy is having an impact on its power and legitimacy and, ultimately, its effect within Canadian society. An historical review demonstrates how the Canadian Institute of Planners has reacted to and reflected state ideology throughout its history. It is clear that the organisation has been in a submissive relationship with the state until recently, where we see the balance of power starting to shift. The CIP is currently reorganising itself to better integrate with the state and improve its government relations. Documentation tracks the CIP???s participation in national policy processes and shows that it is, in fact, becoming significantly more involved in policy-making through various federal government consultation and partnership initiatives. The Canadian Institute of Planners seems to rely solely on practical conjecture to inform its operational choices. My hermeneutical discourse analysis uses existing theory and empirical information to advance our understanding of the CIP and by implication, professions in general. This enlightenment can help direct the organisation???s strategy within the neocorporate state apparatus and, ultimately, enable it to gain power, legitimacy and greater influence within Canada???s policy- and decision-making spheres.