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Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire du développement de l’État qasimite au Yémen à l’époque moderne. La dynastie qasimite puisa sa légitimité dans la théorie de l’imamat zaydite, basée sur la conception chiite du pouvoir. Enracinés dans les Hauts-plateaux yéménites depuis le IIIe/IXe siècle, les imams zaydites étaient des guerriers se réclamant d’une généalogie sacrée, source de leur pouvoir charismatique. Héritiers de cette histoire, les Qasimites se saisirent du pouvoir au Yémen par une révolte contre les Ottomans qui débuta en 1006/1597. Après l’expulsion des Ottomans en 1045/1635, les Qasimites s’imposèrent comme les seuls maîtres du territoire yéménite. Pendant le règne des six premiers imams, le territoire des Qasimites, initialement limité à une partie de Hauts plateaux zaydites, ne cessa de s’étendre pour englober de vastes zones sunnites. Dès lors, le développement de l’État qasimite s’accompagna d’un processus de révisions idéologiques dont le principal enjeu était le maintien du pouvoir sur un territoire hétérogène du point de vue religieux. Malgré des formes de résistances diverses et multiples, l’État qasimite perdura pendant plus de deux siècles (XIe/XVIIe-XIIIe/XIXe). Cet État sut, sur les bases d’une idéologie zaydite renouvelée, développer des institutions politiques et administratives durables en s’appuyant sur des réseaux intégrant, selon des modalités variées, les notabilités religieuses et tribales. / This thesis focuses on the history of development of the qasimi state in Yemen in modern times. Qasimi dynasty drew his legitimacy in the theory of the Zaydi imamate, based on the Shiite concept of power. Rooted in the Yemeni Highlands since the third / ninth century, the Zaydi imams were warriors claiming a sacred genealogy, source of their charismatic power. Heirs of this history, Qasimis seized power in Yemen by a revolt against the Ottomans, which began in 1006/1597. After the expulsion of the Ottomans in 1045/1635, the Qasimis established themselves as the sole masters of the Yemeni territory. During the reign of the first six imams, the territory of Qasimis, initially limited to a part of Zaydi Highlands, never ceased to expand to include vast Sunni areas. Therefore, the development of qasimi state was accompanied by a process of ideological revisions, whose main issue was the maintenance of the power on a heterogeneous territory from the religious point of view. Despite various and multiple forms of resistances, the qasimi state continued for more than two centuries (11th/17th-13th/19th). This state was able, on the basis of a renewed Zaydi ideology, to develop sustainable political and administrative institutions relying on networks including religious and tribal notables, according to various modalities.

Magister Artium - MA / Imāmah, (imamate) literary means leading, and khilāfah (succession) means representative. but, in the terms of "Islamic concept", the medieval theologian and jurists has termed it «Religious–Political leadership».1 the major dispute concerning the imamate surrounding the question of investiture to exercise the prophet’s comprehensive authority (Wilāyah‘āmah), as the temporal and spiritual leader of the ummah (community). From demising of the prophet, the matter of imamate, between Ash‛arī and Shī‘ah (twelve) there are two main opinions. Ash‛arī’s views are prevalent among the early Muslims headed by Abûbakar and his associates regarded the imamate to be right of the ummah (nation), and they chose Abûbakar. The Shī‘ah implicitly rejected the previous opinion, and maintained that the leadership was passed on through a special designation. This regarded the imamate divinely invested in ‘Ali ibn Abī Ţālib, the prophet cousin and son-in-law. Therefore, controversy between Ash‛arī and Shī‘ah on the question of leadership arise after the prophet returns and coherences to the two fundamentals central points: First: The nature of the relationship of the prophethood to the political leadership. The Shī‘ah regarded political leadership as an extension of the prophetic mission after the demise of the prophet: «Meaning that political leadership is not simply political rule but it is the corollary of the interpretation of religion, and takes imamate in depth interpretation»2. Other hands, Ash‛arī consider and include it in the matter of masāliħ Al ‛āmah (public interest). The Islamic jurists definite the masāliħ al ‛āmah (public interest), any issue whether it is religion or matter of world that could not fixed with fact proof from holy Qur'ān and prophet’s tradition. Therefore, the matter of caliphate emerges it in the masāliħ al-‛āmah (public interest) which, relies on human agency. Second: The contract of political leadership and authority between the problematic of mutual consultation and divine appointment. This point focus on ‘aqd (contract) of khilāfah (repress- entative of God) between leader and ummah (nation) and evolves around the problem of consultation, mainly in the Ash‛arī’s view, which is based on "selection system". So, in the historical experience, it can be noted that the consultation as mechanism in the choosing the ruler was not achieved as an "organized system" neither in the period of the rightly guided caliphs, nor in the periods of dynastic rulers. The imamate as a «supreme leadership» had a major problem issue in the contemporary scholars, both the Islamic and secular, since it was announced in the modern context Dawlah (government), which based on nationality and separated from religious hegemony. Its dialectic, in the present article, is to deal with theological and judicial theory. Therefore, in 1979, the Islamic council of Europe published a «concept of Islamic state». Most of the figures shaded are based on the Khomeini's thought (the founder of Islamic republic revolution of Iran), and Karāchī’s Muslim council scholar (they constituted Ash‛arī view). In the Islamic state, the Khomeini thought based on «the Islamic state is constitutional; Government is based on law and the Paramount legislative authority resides on God himself». On the other hand,«the Islamic state» shaped as «the principals of an Islamic state which centers on the supremacy of God, citizens rights and proper government» 3 Therefore, caliphate it is difficult to separate or detach from prophethood in the perspective of the commentary and interpretation of equally the Qur'anic and Sunna texts. So, difference between Ash‛arī and Shī‘ah around immāmah (leadership in Islam) are based on the theological principles which rise from the problem of cosmology, divine justice and human destiny. Therefore, the difference can be based on the idea (thought) about these theological principles.

This study seeks to analyze the views of al-Shahrastani (479/1086--548/1153) on the issue of Shi`i imama as presented in his works al-Milil wa al-Nih&dotbelow;al and Nihayat al-Iqdam fi `Ilm al-Kalam. In each of these he devotes several chapters to a discussion of the leadership of the Shi`i community since the days of `Ali b. Abi T&dotbelow;alib. The study shows that both books under discussion were designed by al-Shahrastani to serve different purposes and were composed according to different methodologies. He takes completely different approaches to his treatment of Shi`i doctrine in al-Milal and the Nihaya. Acting as a "historian of religion" in al-Milal, the author shows considerable objectivity and avoids passing judgement. He supports his account of Shi`ism with arguments acknowledged by the Shi`is themselves. This is because al-Shahrastani intended al-Milal as a scientific and systematic account of religions. However, as a "theologian" he held certain of his own beliefs regarding several doctrinal problems, which he also wished to make it public. It was to serve this purpose that the Nihaya was composed. Furthermore, in this work the author does not hesitate to attack opinions different from his own, including the doctrine of imama.

No description available.

The aim of the thesis is to classify the form of political leadership and domination in Shia islam's political ideology, their development and ability to succeed in political reality. I especially focus on the Shia understanding of political power and its connection to infallible Imam as secular and religious leader of the Shia community. For analysis of the concepts I use the description of early Islam, including the Shia reasons for the dissolution of Muslim ummah, as well as the reasons that led to the multiple division of Shiism. I analyse specific examples of ideological break up of the Shia community (Ithnasharia, Isma'ila, Hashashins, Alawi, Duryz and modern Islamic Republic of Iran) and finally cardinal reformulation of understanding of political leadership and domination by Ayatollah Khomeini. His concept Wilājat al-faqīh (Guardianship of the jurist) started the era of radical transformation of the Shia political ideology, although he wanted only to modernize it and not to establish a brand new set up. My aspiration is therefore to analyze whether Wilājat al-faqīh can still be seen as the return to the roots of traditional Shiism or if it has a new quality without connection to previous Shia history.

<p>The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „<em>Islamicness‟ </em>of the Republic has been overlooked.</p><p>Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State.</p><p>By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the <em>Islamic </em>Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis.</p> / <p>Den Islamiska Republiken Irans påstådda strävan att uppnå kärnvapen kapacitet har visat sig vara ett stort problem för det internationella samfundet, vilket har gett landet en bety-dande position i världspolitiken. Detta har i sin tur medfört att Iran återigen har fått värl-dens uppmärksamhet riktat mot sig, endast trettio år efter Ayatollah Khomeinis upprättan-de av den Islamiska Republiken. Irans statsskick, som uteslutet bygger på Ayatollah Kho-meinis egen tolkning av Islam, har länge stått i fokus för både offentlig och akademisk granskning, i synnerhet på grund av dess tillsynes radikala manövrar på den internationella scenen. Men eftersom fokuset för denna granskning har varit Irans ovilja att rätta sig efter västerländska normer så har frågan om Irans Islamiska natur förbisetts.</p><p>Utifrån detta så ämnar denna uppsats att uppmärksamma och belysa frågan om Iran verkli-gen kan betraktas som en islamisk stat, vilken är en nödvändighet för en djupare och mer korrekt förståelse av landet. Syftet med denna studie är således att undersöka och reflektera över teorin om Islamiskt styre som Ayatollah Khomeini främjar och hans senare republik genom att jämföra dessa med deras påstådda grundpelare: Islamisk statsteori och dess le-darskap. Islamisk statsteori och det shia Islamska ledarskapet har alltid varit centralt i Aya-tollah Khomeinis och den Islamiska Republikens officiella retorik, där de hävdas vara den enda inspirationen för Irans statsskick. Detta är dock något som denna uppsats ifrågasätter, och den har därav undersökt Islamisk statsteori och dess ledarskap för att i sin tur kritiskt granska Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och den Islamska Republiken Iran. Denna studie har därav gett upphov till en slutsats om Iran är rättvist märkt ‟en Islamisk stat‟.</p><p>Denna studie har genom att utföra en norm-uppfyllande analys av ämnet i fråga, vilande på en kvalitativ datainsamling, funnit endast en vag korrelation mellan de två modellerna för Islamiskt styre. Baserat på det undersökta materialet så har studien kunnat konstatera att Iran har en politisk struktur som lånats från icke-islamiska källor, men att dess aktörer och politiska ‟spel‟ trots det är av en islamisk natur. Vad som därav har påvisats i denna uppsats är att Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och stat utgör en ny och unik form av Islamisk fundamen-talism som skapats i konjunktur med moderna och icke-islamiska idéer. Resultaten av den-na undersökning indikerar på så vis att den Islamiska Republiken Iran är i behov av en om-prövning i förhållande till dess Islamiska natur, vilket är speciellt tydligt då Iran visar prov på betydande avvikelser från dess påstådda grundpelare.</p>

The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „Islamicness‟ of the Republic has been overlooked. Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State. By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis. / Den Islamiska Republiken Irans påstådda strävan att uppnå kärnvapen kapacitet har visat sig vara ett stort problem för det internationella samfundet, vilket har gett landet en bety-dande position i världspolitiken. Detta har i sin tur medfört att Iran återigen har fått värl-dens uppmärksamhet riktat mot sig, endast trettio år efter Ayatollah Khomeinis upprättan-de av den Islamiska Republiken. Irans statsskick, som uteslutet bygger på Ayatollah Kho-meinis egen tolkning av Islam, har länge stått i fokus för både offentlig och akademisk granskning, i synnerhet på grund av dess tillsynes radikala manövrar på den internationella scenen. Men eftersom fokuset för denna granskning har varit Irans ovilja att rätta sig efter västerländska normer så har frågan om Irans Islamiska natur förbisetts. Utifrån detta så ämnar denna uppsats att uppmärksamma och belysa frågan om Iran verkli-gen kan betraktas som en islamisk stat, vilken är en nödvändighet för en djupare och mer korrekt förståelse av landet. Syftet med denna studie är således att undersöka och reflektera över teorin om Islamiskt styre som Ayatollah Khomeini främjar och hans senare republik genom att jämföra dessa med deras påstådda grundpelare: Islamisk statsteori och dess le-darskap. Islamisk statsteori och det shia Islamska ledarskapet har alltid varit centralt i Aya-tollah Khomeinis och den Islamiska Republikens officiella retorik, där de hävdas vara den enda inspirationen för Irans statsskick. Detta är dock något som denna uppsats ifrågasätter, och den har därav undersökt Islamisk statsteori och dess ledarskap för att i sin tur kritiskt granska Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och den Islamska Republiken Iran. Denna studie har därav gett upphov till en slutsats om Iran är rättvist märkt ‟en Islamisk stat‟. Denna studie har genom att utföra en norm-uppfyllande analys av ämnet i fråga, vilande på en kvalitativ datainsamling, funnit endast en vag korrelation mellan de två modellerna för Islamiskt styre. Baserat på det undersökta materialet så har studien kunnat konstatera att Iran har en politisk struktur som lånats från icke-islamiska källor, men att dess aktörer och politiska ‟spel‟ trots det är av en islamisk natur. Vad som därav har påvisats i denna uppsats är att Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och stat utgör en ny och unik form av Islamisk fundamen-talism som skapats i konjunktur med moderna och icke-islamiska idéer. Resultaten av den-na undersökning indikerar på så vis att den Islamiska Republiken Iran är i behov av en om-prövning i förhållande till dess Islamiska natur, vilket är speciellt tydligt då Iran visar prov på betydande avvikelser från dess påstådda grundpelare.