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Why do temporary foreign workers employed in the British Columbia hospitality sector have difficulty enforcing their workplace rights? Using the themes of people, place and time, this thesis explores the demand and supply of migrant workers in the British Columbia hospitality sector, and the challenges temporary foreign workers face at the intersection of immigration law, employment law, occupational health and safety law, and workers’ compensation law. The thesis argues that the low-skilled Temporary Foreign Worker Program shifts the negative consequences of unfair working conditions and workplace health and safety risks over people, place and time: from Canadian workers and employers onto temporary foreign workers; from Canada to elsewhere; and from the present into the future. Workplace rights are not enough for hospitality sector workers, what is needed is better tools for the enforcement of those rights. / Graduate

The increasing numbers of undocumented foreign nationals in South Africa not only has affected the provision of services provided by the local municipalities and the Department of Home Affairs but is also a huge challenge to the services provided by the South African police. The aim of this study was to explore the police experiences of dealing with undocumented foreign nationals in South Africa. A literature review was conducted to provide an overview of this problem nationally and internationally. Interviews, observations and document analysis were also considered to explore police experiences of dealing with undocumented foreign nationals. The findings of this study show that the South African police are “caught between a rock and a hard place” when dealing with undocumented foreign nationals within the constitutional framework of this country. They receive little support from the government and the relevant stakeholders on this matter, while on the other hand they are exposed to constant threats and lack of compliance from the undocumented foreign nationals and the criminal syndicates that facilitate illegal cross-border movements and the pressure from advocates of human rights principles and the media. These factors lead to increased frustrations among police officials and self-protective measures such as turning a blind eye to this problem. To deal with the problem the Inclusive and Interactive Refugee Management Model, which focuses on constant interaction among stakeholders, is recommended. Inclusive strategies are also recommended for dealing with undocumented foreign nationals. This model supports a Left Realism perspective, which advocates collective responsibility towards human concerns / Police Practice / D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)

L’évolution des technologies de l’information et du transport a favorisé l’action transnationale du terrorisme, exigeant une réponse étatique qui prenne en considération le mouvement transfrontalier des terroristes. Cette réponse s’est traduite dans le cas les États‐Unis et de l’Espagne par l’introduction de dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste dans le droit migratoire et d’asile. Les dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste insérés aux États‐Unis sont cohérents avec la tradition migratoire interne tandis que ceux introduits par l’Espagne sont cohérents avec le droit international, par le biais de l’introduction des règles de l’UE. La doctrine internationale a aussi justifié l’adoption de ces dispositifs, invoquant les théories du contrat social et de l’exceptionnalisme souverain. Pourtant, l’introduction de ces dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste par les pays étudiés répond à un processus de confusion des buts et des moyens de lutte contre la criminalité et la migration illégale ou crimmigration. Ces dispositifs ne sont pas très efficaces pour lutter contre le terrorisme, malgré leur présence continue pendant le contrôle migratoire et le traitement des demandeurs d’asile, mais ils sont utiles pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale et préserver la «stabilité culturelle». De fait, ces dispositifs font partie d’un système sélectif de surveillance qui a impliqué la création d’un droit migratoire et d’asile «de l’ennemi», qui conçoit l’étranger comme une source de danger justifiant l’octroi d’un traitement qui le dépersonnalise, permettant à l’État d’atteindre symboliquement ses buts et, éventuellement, d’obtenir de la légitimité vis‐à‐vis de la population autochtone. / Advances in information and transportation technology support transnational terrorist action and require a state response which takes into account the transnational terrorist movement. This response resulted in, for the United States and Spain, immigration and asylum measures that are part of counter‐terrorism strategies. American migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism are consistent with American migratory tradition and foreign policy, while Spanish measures are consistent with international law, though in conformity with European law. The international doctrine has also justified the adoption of these measures on the basis of social contract and sovereign exceptionalism theories. However, the adoption of migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism is part of a process of criminalization of migratory law also known as crimmigration. The migratory and asylum measures undertaken to combat terrorism have not been effective in eradicating terrorism, despite their continuous presence during migration control and treatment of asylum‐seekers, though they are valuable instruments for action against illegal migration and preserving cultural "stability". In fact, they are part of a surveillance system of alien people. The construction of this system implies the creation of an "Enemy" migratory and asylum law that considers the alien as a risk to security and consequently gives the alien an exceptional treatment which results in the loss of its legal personality. This "Enemy" migratory and asylum law enables the State to symbolically achieve its goals and obtain a new source of legitimacy.

Using the frames of analysis and language of political whiteness and anti-migrant hegemony, this paper examines the narrative of liberal immigration reformers transforming California’s political landscape within the period of 1994 to 2017. Taken as case studies the following articles of legislation are analyzed: Proposition 187 in 1994, the California Dream Act in 2010, the Trust Act in 2014, up to the present Senate Bill 54 in 2017. The paper finds that while California has experienced a recognizable shift in racial liberalism in rhetoric and legislation, its overall policy continues to work within the framework of anti-migrant hegemony that functions through criminalization and detention. The paper ends with the conclusion, informed by Gonzales’ writing in Reform without Justice, that the shift California has experienced is indicative of anti-migrant hegemony reconfiguring itself in changing social and political norms.

The diploma thesis "Migrants on the labour market in Czech Republic" deals with the issue of efficiency of administrative processes in the area of labor migration policy in relation to highly skilled foreigners. This thesis reflects the current setting of labor migration policy, EU program Blue Cards, and trying to find and describe the areas where the implementation of the policy fails. It focuses on specific issues that arise in this process, such as long times for obtaining necessary documents, language barriers, problems of interpretation of laws or qualification level of officials. Key actors in which these facts are analyzed, are especially employers, the NGO sector and foreigners. Methods or methodological bases which are used in thesis are desk research and analysis of data obtained in own semi-structured interviews. The aim of this study is to analyze the settings of labor migration policy with respect to highly skilled foreigners, but also to describe the key issues that arise during this process. As a theoretical base of the whole work is primarily used the theory of implementation of public policy.

Since the 1951 United Nations Convention, nations have dealt with refugee issues in various ways. In the United States, since the Vietnam War, there has been great debate and a significant amount of research on issues of refugee resettlement, with these discourses inherently involving issues of power and ideology. English language training and the promotion of economic self-sufficiency have been interventions used to integrate and assimilate refugees into American culture and society. These two interventions were the subject of the current investigation. The purpose of this study was to look into the way federal refugee resettlement policy mandated by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) construes the notion of self-sufficiency in policy documents; and whether or not that constructed version of self-sufficiency is reflected or reinforced in the local attendant English language training, provided by the Immigrant and Refugee Community Organization's (IRCO) Pre-Employment Training's English language training courses. Through a combination of Critical Discourse Analysis and analytic techniques influenced by Corpus Linguistics, this study was able to investigate the construal of self-sufficiency in ORR refugee resettlement policy and its reflection in IRCO PET ELT. The ORR policy Title 45: Public Welfare, Part 400: Refugee Settlement Program and the lesson plans and materials of IRCO's PET's SPL levels 2 and 3 were analyzed with a textual analysis, process analysis, and social analysis. The ORR policy also underwent a collocation comparison analysis that employed the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). The results of this qualitative study indicate that the federal resettlement policy exploits a common connotation of self-sufficiency to mask its underlying subjugating policies that position resettled refugees into early employment positions with little opportunities for higher education or occupational advancement. The ELT provided by IRCO's PET program reflects and reinforces the ORR's construed notion of self-sufficiency as well as its underlying hegemonic agenda. These findings this relate to broader discourses of immigration, neoliberalism, and education in the United States. Conclusions drawn from this investigation have pedagogical implications and applications that are discussed.

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Regulation of admission to the United States for technology workers from foreign countries has been a difficult issue, especially during periods of intense development. Following the dot.com bubble, the Google Corporation continued to argue in favor of higher limits under the Immigration and Nationality Act exception referred to as "H-1B" for the section of the law where it appears. H-1B authorized temporary admission for highly skilled labor in specialty occupations. Congressional testimony by Laszlo Bock, Google Vice President for People Operations, provided the most succinct statement of Google's concerns based on maintaining a competitive and diverse workforce. Diversity has been a rhetorical priority for Google, yet diversity did not affect the argument in a substantial and realistic way. Likewise, emphasis on geographically situated competitive capability suggests a limited commitment to the global communities invoked by information technology. The history of American industry produced corporations determined to control and exploit every detail of their affairs. In the process, industrial corporations used immigration as a labor resource. Google portrayed itself, and Google has been portrayed by media from the outside, as representative of new information technology culture, an information community of diverse, inclusive, and democratically transparent technology in the sense of universal availability and benefit with a deliberate concern for avoiding evil. However, emphasis by Google on American supremacy combined with a kind of half-hearted rhetorical advocacy for principles of diversity suggest an inconsistent approach to the argument about H-1B. The Google argument for manageable resources connected to corporate priorities of Industrial Modernity, a habit of control, more than to democratic communities of technology. In this outcome, there are concerns for information technology and the Industry of Knowledge Work. By considering the treatment of immigration as a sign of management attitude, I look at questions posed by Jean Baudrillard, Daniel Headrick, Alan Liu, and others about whether information technology as an industry and as communities of common interests has achieved any democratically universal "ethical progress" beyond the preceding system of industrial commerce that demands the absolute power to exploit resources, including human resources. Does Google's performance confirm skeptical questions, or did Google actually achieve something more socially responsible? In the rhetoric of immigration history and the rhetoric of Google as technology, this study finds connections to a recycled corporate-management version of Industrial Modernity that constrains the diffusion of technology.

The main objective of this research paper is to analyze the international effects the Syrian Conflict has had to the global community. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has declared this conflict to be the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Millions of Syrians have fled their home country to avoid unjust persecution and are looking to not only neighboring countries, but the European Union for assistance in resettlement. Since the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, more than 220,000 people have been massacred, leaving fifty percent of the population in unrest due to home displacement. According to Amnesty International, apart from the twelve million Syrians who are in dire need of humanitarian assistance inside the country, there are about four million refugees fleeing to countries such as Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, and Iraq. These five countries are unable to maintain the capacity of refugees that are desperate to pour in from Syria. Further gulf countries such as Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia have refused to offer any resettlement venues for these migrants. Therefore, a plethora of European Union countries have received many asylum applications over the course of four years. Germany and Sweden have pledged resettlement locations for these refugees however relying on these two countries is not enough. This paper provides a historical background of the civil war in Syria, along with what the United Nations has done thus far to end the conflict. It will also analyze similar refugee situations in other countries in the region and compare it that in Syria. Finally, it will provide possible solutions of how the Refugee Agency, Human Rights Council, and Security Council can operate as a whole to distinguish this horrifying hostility in the region.