La thèse fait l’analyse des références impériales dans la politique mené par d’Alphonse V, roi du Portugal, entre 1448 et 1481. Dans la première partie, nous avons étudié la dilatation de la notion juridique d’imperium sur les territoires maritimes atlantiques et sur les domaines que les portugais, on conquit au Magreb. Dans la deuxième partie, nous avons analysé comment le chroniqueur du roi a présenté le Portugal par rapport aux Empires historiques (Roman et Visigot) et comme la notion de Royaume Élu, d’appel universalistes, ont constitué des références fondamentales à la politique expansionniste.Dans la troisième partie, nous présentons l’analyse des prétentions impériales du roi travers l’analyse de deux aspect de sa politique externe. Le mariage de sa sœur, Léonore du Portugal avec Frédéric II, Habsbourg et son élévation au titre d’impératrice. Le silence sur cette union nous a permis de comprendre que l’idéal impérial cultivé par le roi et sa cour, s’éloignait de la référence romane germanique. Finalement, l’étude sur la guerre mené par le roi contre Isabelle de Castille, future Reine Catholique, pendant la période 1475 et 1479, où le roi du Portugal a essayé d’assumer le gouvernement de la Couronne travers le mariage avec Jeanne et aussi les plans de partage d’Aragon, faites entre Louis XI, roi de France et Alphonse V, explicite son intention d’unifier la péninsule Ibérique, reconstituant l’unité mythique. / This study analyses de imperial aspects of the politics of D. Afonso V, king of Portugal (1448-1481). The first part of the work is composed by the dilatation of the juridical notion of imperium, concerning the atlantics and africans Portuguese possessions. The second part studies how the historian of the king, Zurara, presented Portugal as an heir of the Roman and Visigoth empires and how the notion of elected kingdom, that carries a strong sense of universal monarchy, made part of the fundamental political ideals that sustained the expansion in Africa and at the Atlantic islands.At the last part, we present the imperial intents of the king through the study of his external politic with the Holy Empire and the Crown of Castile. The marriage of the sister’s king, Leonor, with the emperor Frederick II, Habsburg, is the first aspect analysed. The silence about this union gave us means to understand why the ideal of Empire of the Portuguese king was very different of the roman germanic reference. Finally, we study the war between Portugal and Castile, against Isabel, future Catholic queen, during the period 1475 and 1479. The king of Portugal tried to assume the government of the Crown, by marrying Jane, princess and heir of the Castile. Also, the plains signed between Louis XI, king of France and Afonso V, in 1475, shows that the portuguese king and French king intended to prepare a war agains Aragon and share their territories. The politic of Afonso inside Iberia explicated his aim of “re-unify” the hole peninsula under his control.

L’objectif de notre recherche est de préciser comment la conception novatrice de la science politique développée par Jean Bodin (1529/30-1596) dans sa Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem(1566 ; 1572) s’inscrit dans le cadre d’un programme humaniste de restauration juridique de la «science civile». Pour cela, nous dégageons une ligne de réflexions sur cette «science» dans les œuvres de deux de ses prédécesseurs, Guillaume Budé et François Connan, qui la développent, à l’adresse des gens de justice, en élaborant un dispositif théorique, la «méthode», destiné à unifier la théorie juridique avec la connaissance pratique. Ces réflexions les amènent à ériger un nouveau paradigme du jusnaturalisme et à rétablir le droit tout entier sur la base de la droite raison, voire sur la base de la communauté de droit dominée par la seule raison: la civitas universa. Nous montrons que lorsque cette communauté est identifiée à la société mondiale de son temps, censée être régie par le ius gentiumqui incarne la raison, Bodin confère à la «science civile» un caractère politique. Le paradigme du jusnaturalisme le conduit à envisager le passage d’un état sauvage à la société humaine juridique (la communauté de droit), mais c’est la fameuse théorie de la souveraineté (summum imperium) qui permet aux magistrats des parlements d’opérer ce passage, en définissant leur pouvoir coercitif. Nous avançons que la science politique se concrétise dans la «méthode» de lecture de l’histoire et qu’elle détermine, au-delà des limites du droit, le rôle du gouvernement de la «République» comme ce qui réalise la société politique, c’est-à-dire la civitas universa régie par le ius gentium. / Our research aims to examine how the innovative conception of “political science”, developed by Jean Bodin (1529/30-1596) in his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566; 1572), falls within the scope of a humanist program which restores legal science in the name of scientia civilis. We therefore propose to investigate the line of thoughts which regard the scientia civilisin the works oftwo of his predecessors, Guillaume Budé and François Connan, who develop this “science” for the sake of magistrates-judges of the Parlements by devising a “method” which intends to unify legal theory with practical knowledge. Their considerations lead them to establish a new paradigm of jusnaturalism and to re-establish, in modern times, the very notion of law on the basis of right reason, id est, on the basis of a community of laws dominated only by reason: civitas universa. We bring light to the fact that, when this community is identified with the international society of his time, supposedly ruled by the ius gentiumwhich incarnates reason, Bodin bestows upon his scientia civilis a political character. If the jusnaturalist paradigm allows him to assume the transition from a barbarous state to ahuman society, it is his famous theory of sovereignty (summum imperium) that,by defining the coercive power delegated tothe magistrates of Parlements, allowsthem to realize this transition. We propose that his “method” of reading the history enables him to materialize the political science, which determines, beyond the limits of legal science, the role thegovernment plays in realizing the human society, or in other words, the new civitas universa, governed by the ius gentium.

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

Le droit international évolue et se traduit par une augmentation des normes, des organisations et des juridictions internationales, faisant craindre une fragmentation du droit international au sein de l’ordre juridique international. L’ordre juridique international s’entend, au sens large, comme le droit international régissant la société internationale. Celui-ci englobe les ordres juridiques internationaux spécialisés, composés des organisations internationales. Chacune d’entre elles comprend une juridiction ou un tribunal arbitral. La problématique de cette thèse est de déterminer, par l’étude du pluralisme juridique international, si ce risque de fragmentation du droit international est avéré ou non. Elle se fonde, pour ce faire, sur une analyse systémique des ordres juridiques internationaux, pour établir si ceux-ci établissent des rapports de droit entre eux, ainsi que sur une analyse normative des ordres juridiques, afin de déterminer si chacun d’entre eux a une cohérence propre. Dans une première partie, il est démontré que le pluralisme juridique international semble désordonné, induisant un risque de fragmentation du droit international, en raison, d’une part, de la multiplication des ordres juridiques internationaux et, d’autre part, de leur carence institutionnelle. Il est démontré ensuite, dans une seconde partie, que le pluralisme juridique international s’ordonne grâce à la mise en cohérence du droit international par les juges internationaux. Ceux-ci coordonnent la jurisprudence internationale grâce à leur jurisdictio (dire le droit) et érigent un véritable pouvoir juridictionnel international à travers leur imperium (rendre une décision obligatoire). / International law evolves at a rapid pace, and results in a strong increase in norms, organizations and international courts, raising increasing fears about a fragmentation of international law within the international legal order itself. The international legal order is defined, in the broadest sense of the term, as international law aimed at governing international society. This includes specialized international legal systems, made up of a number of international organizations ; each one including a court or an arbitral tribunal. The aim of this thesis is to determine, through the study of international legal pluralism, weather this foreseen risk of a possible fragmentation of the international law is, in the end, proven or not. In order to fulfill this aim, our work is based, on the one hand, on a systemic analysis of international legal orders, this in order to determine whether these bodies establish legal relationships between themselves, and on the other hand, on a normative analysis of legal systems, to determine this time whether each one sets up, or not, its proper inner coherence.In the first part, we show that the international legal pluralism seems to be uncoordinated, inducing a risk of fragmentation of international law, this due, in part, to the proliferation of international legal orders and, and in other part, to their lack of institutional ground. In the second part, we aim at proving that the international legal pluralism finds best its balance when international law is put into practice by international judges. They coordinate international jurisprudence through their jurisdictio (apply the law) and set out the boundaries of a true international judicial power through their imperium (to pronounce a binding decision).

The main objectives of this diploma thesis are to describe and analyze character of the Roman Emperor Nero, the last member of Iulo-Claudian dynasty, in the historical film, which was made as a part of a series about Roman history. The first part deals with history of the Roman Empire since Gaius Octavius`s arrival to Rome in 44 BC till death of the Emperor Claudius in 55 AD. The second part gives a description of the character Emperor Nero of the Roman Empire. It is believed that it was he who had the whole city of Rome burnt. Other parts of this thesis show analysis of the film Nero, císař římský. Imperium: Nerone (TV film) 2004. It is a comparison of his character from literary to theatrical sources. The last part describes a didactic use of the film. There is a presentation of a model lesson that was created and taught in practice by the author herself. Key words Agrippina History classes Film Historical film Film Imperium: Nerone The Iulo-Claudian dynasty Nero Principate

The diploma thesis deals with the life and reign of Augustus, the first Roman emperor from the Julian-Claudian dynasty, and compares it to the only one television film about this historical figure. In the opening chapter, the author analyses the history of the Roman Empire from 133 BC to the death of Gaius Iulius Caesar in 44 BC. The other part of the thesis deals with the life and the reign of Augustus who influenced the Roman Empire for several decades. The third and the fourth chapter are devoted to the analysis of the historical film Imperium: Augustus and its comparison with the primary and secondary literature. The last chapter deals with applying the sequences of this historical film in history classes in schools.

Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit räumlichen Wahrnehmungen und Diskursen, mit denen man den Raum und seine Bestandteile behandelte. Die Eroberung Sibiriens im 17. Jahrhundert bewirkte einen tiefgreifenden Wandel in den russischen Vorstellungen über die weit entfernte Peripherie sowie deren Ressourcen. Die neuen Denkweisen kristallisierten sich in einer diskursiven Formation heraus, die Macht über Raum und Rohstoffe Sibiriens symbolisierte und organisierte. Dieser „Berg-Diskurs“ trug moderne Züge, denn er bedurfte sich neuer Formen der Kontrolle über die Raumsproduktion. Diese Einstellung wurde allmählich zu einer erstaunlich überlebensfähigen räumlichen Ideologie und zum festen Bestandteil des russischen Bodenschätzediskurses der Zukunft. Die Rolle der Wissensproduzenten wechselte zwischen den zentralen und regionalen Institutionen und Netzwerken. Der „Altai“, der den kaiserlichen Bergbau-Bezirk und die Gebirgslandschaft umfasste, wurde auf Grund seines Rohstoffreichtums von Repräsentanten des russischen Staates als Region erfunden. Die Dissertation stellt die imaginären und realen Geographien des Altai in drei unterschiedlichen Dimensionen dar. Dabei geht es um den Wandel der Repräsentationen von geographischen Räumen und der Berglandschaften in Russland insgesamt (Makroebene), die Mehrschichtigkeit des russischen Diskurses über Bergregionen und Gebirgslandschaften (Mesoebene) und den Altai als facettenreiches Konzept einer komplexen imperialen geographischen Imagination (Mikroebene). Die Beschreibung des Altai faßte in sich zahlreiche inkohärente Bilder verschiedener sozialer Gruppen. Der Ort wurde durch mentale Geographien erfolgreich instrumentalisiert, z.B. „die Goldenen Gebirge“ und „die sibirische Schweiz“. Diese Bilder machten die Region sichtbar, sowohl für nationalistisch gesinnte Gruppen als auch die breiteren Bervölkerungsschichten. / This dissertation focuses on the production of imperial space with a particular emphasis on the role of power discourses concerning mineral resources. By relying on published materials, it aims to establish a new conceptual framework for the examining of cultural patterns and practices of imagining of space and mineral wealth. For that purpose, it introduces a concept of the ”Berg-Discourse” that expands our understanding of the Russian engagement with geographical space. It begins by exploring Russian exposure to the mountains and mineral resources of Siberia in terms of the spatial knowledge production. It then examines how Russian imperial strategies and aspirations were embedded in the making of the Altai, a vast mining territory in West Siberia that once formed a private domain of the Russian rulers. The dissertation argues that the making of the Altai was in many ways part of the same imperial impulse towards mineral exploitation. It explores the ways in which the Altai was imagined through its enormous mineral endowment; how the imagined place became real; and how this real place became imagined from various vantage points. As the study shows, the region acquired multiple mental representations, enjoying a near mythological presence across imperial culture. Finally, the dissertation concludes by showing how this landscape was incorporated into imperial and national myths in the course of production and consumption of spatial knowledge about the remote location.

Diese Dissertation analysiert den Zusammenhang von neokonservativer Logik und der Idee des „American Decline“ in der außenpolitischen Debatte der USA von den 1960er-Jahren bis 2021 mit einem Fokus auf der Obama-Präsidentschaft (2009-17). Unter Anwendung der Imperiumstheorie untersucht sie Texte führender neokonservativer Plattformen und Denker_innen, die sich mit dem Wesen, den Aufgaben, den Kosten, dem Nutzen und der Zukunft amerikanischer Weltmacht befassen. Die Studie enthüllt die Niedergangsidee als einen integralen Bestandteil der neokonservativen Logik, der US-Superiorität legitimiert und stabilisiert. Sie vermittelt den Amerikaner_innen einen höheren Zweck und Orientierung, unterdrückt aber alternative Pfade für die Vereinigten Staaten durch die Gleichsetzung von US-Superiorität mit Weltordnung. / This dissertation examines the relationship between neoconservative logic and the idea of „American Decline” in the U.S. foreign policy debate from the 1960s until 2021 with a focus on the Obama presidency (2009-17). Building on imperial theory, the project analyses texts from leading neoconservative platforms and thinkers, dealing with the nature, tasks, costs, benefits and future of American world power. The study reveals the idea of decline as integral to neoconservative logic, as an element that legitimizes and stabilizes U.S. superiority. It provides Americans with a sense of mission and orientation and suppresses alternative paths for the United States due to its equation of U.S. superiority with world order.

This research examines how, when and why the Romans assigned and defined the tasks of preparing and commanding fleets during the Republic. In doing so, it brings new evidence to bear on the wider debates about the nature of the prouincia and the institutional and administrative development of the Roman empire. The communis opinio is that a prouincia originally represented a functional “sphere of operation” that was allotted or assigned to a magistrate and that it only later developed a geographical meaning with territorial connotations through the process of “provincialisation.” This research challenges that view through an analysis of the evidence for the definition, assignment and practical use of the prouincia classis and other prouinciae connected with the command of fleets. Drawing upon and analysing the lists of administrative arrangements to be found in the “annalistic” sections of the surviving books of Livy’s History, it argues that prouinciae were defined in specific geographical and functional terms long before the development of permanent territorial empire. This offers a new perspective which points to and elucidates the flexible use of the prouincia as a means of separating magistrates and promagistrates in space or by function in space. It argues that the rationale for this was to limit conflicts between commanders over command and triumphal rights. By combining evidence from a wide range of sources after the loss of Livy’s History from 167, the research shows that the above rationale for demarcating prouinciae still applied in the first century B.C. However, it also demonstrates that there were significant changes with the assignment of vast Mediterranean-wide naval prouinciae in the first half of the first century B.C. It argues that the definition of these prouinciae was made possible by the development of a singular collective Mediterranean-wide ora maritima, which was brought about by the Romans’ increasing “acknowledgement of empire.” The negative political and institutional implications of these developments are also assessed. Finally, in discussing the above, this research also provides new insights into the role and auctoritas of the Senate, the function and freedom of magistrates, and the Romans’ conceptualisation of their empire.