Our modern “traditional” agricultural system is not sustainable. This system is highly dependent on limited resources such as land, oil and water. It also has numerous negative impacts, including the depletion of resources leading to higher prices, pollutions leading to health risks, global warming, deforestation and biodiversity loss. These dependencies and consequences are combined with a growing and ever more affluent global population which requires greater amount of resources to support its growth and which increases the negative impacts on the environment. All indicates that our system is reaching its limits and that there is a need for new solutions. This research introduces the general context (problem and existing research) and explores an alternative, namely: Intensive Vertical Urban Agriculture (I.V.U.A.). This method seems to offer two particularly interesting promises beneficial for Sustainable Urban Development: the reduction of transportation, and the integration of food production in the urban nutrient and energy cycles. However, to achieve these potential benefits the technology (in a broad sense) has to meet several challenges and there is a need for further experimentation. This study explores challenges of I.V.U.A. and key factors enabling or hindering experimentation in this field. This investigation identified key barriers to further development of I.V.U.A. through the use of a case study. The Plantagon International ABis a unique project which will be built in 2013, in Linkoping, Sweden. It will be the first vertical greenhouse of a considerable scale in the world with a research and commercial aim. Barriers to I.V.U.A. were identified as: - Lack of awareness about the problems with our modern food supply, and hence missed opportunities for S.U.D. - Attitudes that are working against I.V.U.A. and competition for recognition with other forms of agriculture as alternative to the problem of food production - Lack of technical abilities, knowledge and skills in I.V.U.A. - Funding/supporting infrastructures (physical or informational) - Blockages that are the result of administrations and policies which are largely based around “traditional” agriculture. Finally, a set of recommendations was drawn from the interviews of the case study and the literature review, to help planners and decision-makers lift these barriers and enable experimenting. These four implications to consider and explore are: - Gaining understanding of the complexity of S.U.D.problems and the need for a wide range of solutions which include I.V.U.A.; - Including a greater amount of stakeholders, and considering contexts - Improving access to land but also to resources and infrastructures - Building support to enable I.V.U.A. to thrive on its own

This study uses annual data for the period 1975-2014 for South Africa and Botswana, and 1979-2013 for Lesotho to examine empirically the impact of trade openness on economic growth in these three South African Customs Union (SACU) countries. The motivation for this study is that SACU countries are governed by the common agreement for the union that oversees the movement of goods that enter the SACU area. However, although these countries are in a com-mon union, they have quite different levels of development. Based on the country’s level of development, Lesotho is a lower middle-income and least developed country, whereas Botswana and South Africa are upper middle-income economies. Thus, these disparities in the levels of economic development of SACU countries i are expected to have different implications in relation to the extent to which trade openness affects economic growth. It is within this background that the current study seeks to examine what impact trade openness has on economic growth in each of the three selected countries. To check the robustness of the empirical results, this study uses four equations based on four different indicators of trade openness to examine the linkage between trade openness and economic growth. While Equation 1, Equation 2 and Equation 3 employ trade-based indicators of openness, Equation 4 uses a modified version of the UNCTAD (2012a) trade openness index that incorporates differences in country size and geography. Using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration and error-correction modelling, the study found that the impact of trade openness on economic growth varies across the three SACU countries. Based on the results for the first three equations, the study found that trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in South Africa and Botswana, whereas it has no significant impact on economic growth in Lesotho. Based on Equation 4 results, the study found that after taking the differences in country size and geography into account, trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in Botswana, but an insignificant impact in South Africa and Lesotho. For South Africa and Botswana, the main recommendation from this study is that policy makers should pursue policies that promote total trade to increase economic growth in both the short and the long run. For Lesotho, the study recommends, among other things, the adoption of policies aimed at enhancing human capital and infrastructural development as well as the broadening of exports, so as to enable the economy to grow to a threshold level necessary for the realisation of significant gains from trade. / Economics / Ph. D. (Economics)