<p>This paper addresses the question if income security can enhance economic growth in developing countries? It takes its starting point in the income security problems of a developing country and summarizes evidence from published empirical research on formal income security mechanisms. We conclude that the findings on incomes security efficiency effects are ambiguous. A limited econometric study based on data from Chile is carried out with a regression showing that social securities total effect on economic growth is negative but more econometric research on total effect on growth are needed to give a definite answer.</p>

This paper addresses the question if income security can enhance economic growth in developing countries? It takes its starting point in the income security problems of a developing country and summarizes evidence from published empirical research on formal income security mechanisms. We conclude that the findings on incomes security efficiency effects are ambiguous. A limited econometric study based on data from Chile is carried out with a regression showing that social securities total effect on economic growth is negative but more econometric research on total effect on growth are needed to give a definite answer.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Carnelossi.pdf: 1612268 bytes, checksum: 8e8728cb257591bca60da341b5dc30d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-29 / This paper intends to discuss the issue of management of conditionality of Bolsa Família (PBF), under the Social Assistance Policy, especially with regard to its political-ideological dimension, impacting the historical process of consolidation of social protection (safety) income, secured by the policy. The investigative path is anchored in methodological principles of historical materialism dialectic, that marks the relationship between the theoretical and conceptual mediation, interpretation of the data collected, and the observation of the technical and operational aspects of the work done by social workers in meeting the families receiving the program . Seeks to present the sociological dimension, legal and political issues around, from three chapters. In the first chapter rescues the historicity of the protective capacity of the state and contextualizes the contemporary dynamic of a size not contributory. In the second, it seeks to record the historic features and principles of the institutionalization of the Social Assistance Policy, distinguishing the various policy guidelines and ethical barriers that orbit and prospects for the process of recognition and legitimacy of your income security secured. In the third chapter, points up the political dimension and the ideological assumptions of management format conditioner GMP, their aftermaths in the field of institutional income security, anchored on the principles of Social Assistance. The study shows, particularly, that the management structure Guests GMP is based on a perspective punitive, disciplinary and moralizing, distorting the principles of social assistance benefits / Esta dissertação visa problematizar a questão da gestão das condicionalidades do Programa Bolsa Família (PBF), no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, especialmente no que diz respeito à sua dimensão político-ideológica, impactante no processo histórico de consolidação da proteção social (segurança) de renda, afiançada pela Política. A trajetória investigativa está ancorada nos princípios metodológicos do Materialismo Histórico Dialético, que baliza a articulação entre a mediação teórica e conceitual, a interpretação dos dados levantados, e a observação dos aspectos técnico e operacional do trabalho realizado por assistentes sociais no atendimento às famílias beneficiárias do Programa. Busca-se apresentar a dimensão sociológica, jurídica e política em torno da problemática, a partir de três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo resgata-se a historicidade da capacidade protetiva do Estado e contextualiza-se a dinâmica contemporânea de sua dimensão não contributiva. No segundo, busca-se registrar as características históricas e os princípios da institucionalização da Política de Assistência Social, distinguindo as diversas orientações políticas e éticas que orbitam entraves e perspectivas quanto ao processo de reconhecimento e legitimidade da sua segurança de renda afiançada. No terceiro capítulo, aponta-se a dimensão política e ideológica dos pressupostos de gestão do formato condicionado do PBF, em seus rebatimentos no campo da institucionalidade da segurança de renda, ancorada nos princípios da Assistência Social. O estudo evidencia, particularmente, que a gestão da estrutura condicionada do PBF fundamenta-se em uma perspectiva punitiva, disciplinadora e moralizadora, desvirtuando os princípios dos benefícios sócio-assistenciais

Depuis les années 1970, les propositions de réforme des systèmes de protection sociale se sont multipliées dans les pays industrialisés. Parmi celles-ci, l'idée d'introduire un "revenu inconditionnel" (RI) constitue l'une des plus controversées. Sous cette appellation, on regroupe ici trois propositions : l'allocation universelle, l'impôt négatif, et le revenu de participation. Nulle part le RI n'a été mis en œuvre, et certains en ont déduit que ses chances politiques étaient extrêmement faibles. Pourtant, durant la période 1970-2003, on a pu relever d'importantes avancées. Alors que dans certains pays les stratégies des promoteurs du RI ont été vouées à l'échec, ailleurs la proposition a gagné en crédibilité. Ce travail porte en son cœur la question de recherche suivante : quels sont les déterminants de la faisabilité politique d'un revenu inconditionnel ? Il procède en six grandes étapes. Les trois premières sont de nature théorique, alors que les trois dernières sont résolument orientées vers l'investigation empirique et comparative, au départ d'études de cas portant sur cinq pays de l'OCDE : Belgique, Canada, France, Irlande et Pays-Bas. Ce faisant, nous traitons de la question du destin politique du revenu inconditionnel, et indiquons pourquoi la notion de « faisabilité politique » devrait occuper une place centrale en analyse des politiques publiques. Trois grandes conclusions de la thèse peuvent être très brièvement résumées. On relève premièrement que le débat sur le RI confirme l'impact des institutions de protection sociale sur la faisabilité politique des réformes. Le RI a été sérieusement discuté dans deux pays de tradition libérale, le Canada et l'Irlande. Deuxièmement, on note que les organisations de travailleurs sont structurellement enclines à s'opposer à toute progression politique vers un RI. Cette opposition, ouvertement exprimée ou anticipée par les décideurs, affecte la faisabilité politique de la proposition. Enfin, en France et aux Pays-Bas des organisations de chômeurs autonomes ont émergé au cours des années 1980. Elles ont été capables de construire un discours revendicatif distinct du discours syndical, dans lequel le « droit au revenu » a dès l'origine occupé une place centrale, ce qui a manifestement contribué à accroître la faisabilité politique d'un RI. Notons que le modèle explicatif développé, à la différence de la plupart des études portant sur la mise à l'agenda des instruments de l'action publique, n'attribue pas de place décisive aux entrepreneurs politiques individuels. / The idea of introducing an “unconditional minimum income” constitutes one of the most controversial reform proposals in the field of social policy. Under this label or alternative designations such as “basic income” or “citizen's income”, one generally refers to the payment of an income by a political community to all its members, on an individual and regular basis, without means test or work requirement. Such a benefit would differ from existing minimum income schemes, since the latter are means-tested, targeted at the needy, and related to work requirements. Even if it has already been considered by utopian thinkers during the nineteenth century, the proposal has mostly been discussed from the 1960s onwards, first in North-America and later in Europe. In all countries where this idea has been debated, significant oppositions have slowed down or even stopped its political progress. Nowhere a true unconditional minimum income has been implemented, and some have concluded that it was “politically unfeasible”. The research question which constitutes the main thread of this thesis is the following: is it possible to identify explanatory factors which determine the political feasibility of an unconditional income in industrialized countries? To answer this question, the thesis starts with a theoretical overview of the scientific literature on “basic income” and related proposals (a “negative income tax” and a “participation income”, in particular), as well as of comparative welfare state research. It also focuses on the misleading interpretations of the very notion of “political feasibility” that are too often found in political science. It then turns to a systematic comparison of historical outcomes in five OECD countries: Belgium, Canada, France, Ireland and the Netherlands. In this perspective, a significant part of the thesis is devoted to a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of the political feasibility of an unconditional income. We show that when it is used together with in-depth analyses of cases, QCA is superior to purely quantitative or qualitative techniques for the study of a small number of cases (small-N). In the case of this research, the Qualitative Comparative Analysis shows that the political feasibility of an unconditional income is negatively affected by the existence of a system in which unions run the subsidized unemployment insurance systems (a so-called Ghent system) or, more surprisingly, by the presence of a social movement advocating the introduction of such a minimum income scheme. From this, one can infer that a major redistributive reform which would take the form of an unconditional income is much more feasible if it is debated outside of the public sphere where many actors can express their views. As should be the case for all studies using Boolean algebra, in the concluding chapter of the thesis one then goes back to a detailed comparative analysis of cases to test this hypothesis. The crucial impact of labor unions and social movements is confirmed, but somewhat qualified, and the importance of taking institutional factors into account – such as the liberal character of the welfare system – is strongly emphasized.

This is an exploratory study on “Evaluation of Pass-on the Gift Concept on the Socioeconomic Welfare of Rural Households: The Case of SACHZEP and ELITE Projects in Katete District, Zambia. The main research objective of the study was to evaluate the impact of the PoG concept on the socioeconomic welfare of rural households. A mixed methods approach was used involving 124 household in the survey interviews, 5 FGDs and 18 key informant interviews. Study findings showed relationships existing between type of livestock with compliance to pass on the gift (p-=0.001), food security (p=0.001), income security (p=0.007) and education at 9th grade level (p=0.002). No relationship exists between livestock type with shelter status of beneficiaries. Livestock type, water scarcity, IKS and practices, sharing of knowledge, skills and livestock affects PoG impact on socioeconomic welfare of rural households. PoG is compatible with indigenous knowledge systems and supports Human Centred Development approach. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

員工持股計畫是由財經律師Louis Kelso所創，在美國已行之多年，廣為美國企業所採。最早的員工持股計畫是一種為了和平地從資本家手中移轉資本給員工、縮減貧富差距的工具。為了使這個計畫可以持續有效地運作下去，立法者將員工持股計畫為退休金計畫的一種，使員工必須長期持有股票，直到退休。然而在實務運作上，員工持股信託經常被運用為防止敵意併購的工具。尤有甚者，某些公司內部人會利用員工持股計畫為自己取得大量資金、移轉投資風險,但仍可保留對於公司的控制力。這些行為都有可能對股東及員工造成不利的影響，但在現行法制下，只能仰賴司法者透過判決保護這些經濟及資訊上的弱勢族群。 在台灣，員工持股計畫雖然已廣為許多企業所採用，但是發展了將近20年，只能成為另一種員工持有股票的工具。員工擁有的股票數量並不足以使其在股東會上贏得一個受公司內部人重視的地位，也不足以倚賴這些股票作為退休金之用。這種規模上的差異是台美員工持股計畫最關鍵的不同點。小規模雖然使員工持股計畫帶來的優勢少了許多，但相對地也減低許多代理成本，至今未有員工持股計畫侵害大量員工利益的事件爆發。然而這不表示員工持股計畫在台灣就是個可以被忽略的問題，若能在未來建立一套有效率的立法制度，使員工持股計畫的規模擴大，員工將可因此享受到更多公司盈餘，並且使其退休生活受到保障。相對地，參考美國員工持股計畫的問題後，也可以預先設想未來可能發生的弊端，未雨綢繆。本文相信，一個有效率的員工持股計畫，可以實現解決貧富不均的理想。 / Employee stock ownership plan (ESOP) which is created by Louis Kelso is brought to practice for many years. Many enterprises use it as their retirement pension plan. The earliest employee stock ownership plan to transfer the capital frome capitalists to labors and reduce the disparity between the rich and the poor.In order to make the plan work out continueously and effectively, the legislator devise ESOP as a pension fund which makes employee own stock chronically until they retires. However, in practice, ESOP is usually exercised for preventing hostile takeover. Moreover, some company insiders may use ESOP TTO get a great deal of capital and transfer the investment risk, but still own the controlling power to their company. This behaviors will cause some harmful effects to the shareholders and the employees, but in the current legal system,the only one we can depend is the judge who can protect the minority in the economic and the information. ESOP is exercised by many enterprises in Taiwan. But after 20 years, it can only become one of the tools which assist employees to acquire company stocks.The number of shares which employees owns can’t make them have a posi-tion which let the company insiders take account in the shareholder committee and have enough amounts for their retirement pensions.This disparity in scale is the keypoint what is different between Tiwan and the U.S. ESOP. Althoygh small scale makes the adventage of ESOP decrease, it reduce lots of agency costs. To this day, there’re not any events which injure the interests of employees by ESOP. Never-theless, it doesn’t mean that ESOP in Taiwan is a issue which can be neglected. If we can establish an efficient legal system and extend the scale of ESOP, employees can obtain more company interests and have a security of their retirement life.In the opposite, after researching the problem of the U.S. ESOP, we can assume the culpably misconduct which will happen in the future and repair the house before it rains。Ｉ believe that a efficient ESOP can realize the ideal to solve the problem of uneven distribution of the wealth.