This dissertation analyzes the politics of representing Mayan ethnicity in Guatemalan tourism. Most importantly, it demonstrates the importance of cultural representations in tourism events to local Mayas themselves. It does this by demonstrating how tourism organizations are, in some cases, dynamically challenging long-held stereotypes of Guatemala's Mayan populations and creating new economic resources that are helping to empower local Mayan communities in Guatemala's second largest city, Quetzaltenango. However, through this examination it is also evident that not all tourism organizations in Quetzaltenango share these goals or produce these particular types of social and economic changes. How a tourism organization affects change on social and economic landscapes is often determined by its power to make its goals a reality. By examining tourism organizations with a wide range of ethnic and economic characteristics (be they for-profit, non-profit, indigenous, or non-indigenous), and how these characteristics are managed and manipulated, this dissertation analyzes how tourism organizations accumulate the power to make some changes in Quetzaltenango's social and economic landscapes more possible than others. Additionally, within anthropological literature there is rich material that examines the foundation and growth of indigenous movements in Latin America and the ability of these movements to mobilize political support for collective indigenous rights, cultural diversity, and the celebration of ethnic pride as well as to overcome indigenous political marginalization and poverty. However, within this body of work there is rarely mention of the political potential of tourism to mobilize support, celebrate diversity, and to overcome indigenous marginalization and poverty. This dissertation also demonstrates how the political potential of tourism can help indigenous movements accomplish these goals.

Settler colonial history underlies much of contemporary industry, including the extraction and transportation of crude oil. It presents itself in a variety of contexts; however, this disquisition applies a traditional Marxist perspective to examine how settler colonialism is present in news media representation of American Indian activists during the Dakota Access Pipeline protest. Rather than focus on the benefit of using colonized labor for financial gain, this disquisition pushes Marxism into settler colonialism in which the goal is to eliminate the Indigenous and continue to widen the gap between social classes. This research is important for two reasons. First, the media are powerful, making it the perfect vehicle to disseminate inaccurate representations of American Indians. These incorrect representations come in the form of media frames that created an altered reality for news audiences. Second, the term settler colonialism, in particular its relationship with American Indian protest, has been little studied in the American field of communication. A comparative qualitative content analysis was applied to media artifacts from the protest that occurred in North Dakota. Artifacts were discovered using a constructed week approach of two online versions of print publications—the Bismarck (ND) Tribune and the New York Times—and one digital only news site, Indian Country Today. One hundred twenty four artifacts were examined in total. Five dominant frames emerged from the analysis: blame, cultural value, water, American Indian stereotypes, and confrontation. These frames were considered dominant due to the number of coded excerpts that appeared in at least 20% of the artifacts. The frames either contribute to or resist settler colonialism based on the publication in which it appears. The Bismarck Tribune contributed the most to settler colonialism; the New York Times neither rejected nor acknowledged it while Indian Country Today resisted through recognition of America’s settler colonial past, sovereignty, and government-directed violence. The implication of this research is that elimination of the American Indian is ubiquitous in American news media. The mainstream media contributes to widening the gap between social classes, ensuring the dominant class stays in power and Indigenous issues are ignored.

No description available.

Project North (PN) est une coalition œcuménique active de 1975 à 1987. À son apogée, elle est composée de 12 Églises chrétiennes. Formée dans la lignée d’un renouveau théologique et œcuménique, PN est un acteur central dans le Canada des années 1970 et 1980. Jamais explorée extensivement dans l’historiographie, PN s’inscrit à la jonction de quatre champs d’études : l’histoire du Nord, l’histoire autochtone, l’histoire religieuse et l’histoire des ressources naturelles. Au fil de son histoire, PN collabore avec plus d’une vingtaine d’organisations autochtones locales, régionales et nationales sur une multitude d’enjeux marquants de l’époque. En entretenant des liens de confiance avec celles-ci, PN contribue à la transmission et à la diffusion de leurs revendications à un large auditoire. Son rôle dans l’évolution d’enjeux nordiques a été essentiel et ne peut pas être mis en veilleuse, tout particulièrement dans le cadre de la Convention de la Baie-James et du Nord québécois, de la Commission Berger et de la Northern Native Rights Campaign. L’étude détaillée de son histoire administrative montre toutefois que PN agit selon une optique de nordicité religieuse, c’est-à-dire une vision chrétienne du Nord influencée par une théologie structurée et complexe. Le Nord de PN est un Nord chrétien, vierge de péchés sociaux et de vastes projets de développement de ressources naturelles. Ceci l’amène à entretenir des relations indifférentes, voire hostiles, avec certaines organisations autochtones dont les finalités souhaitées divergent de celles de la coalition. / Project North (PN) was an ecumenical coalition active from 1975 to 1987. At its peak, it comprised 12 different Christian churches. Formed in the wake of theological and ecumenical renewal, PN was a central player in Canada in the 1970s and 1980s. Never explored extensively in the historiography, PN stands at the junction of four fields of study: northern history, Indigenous history, religious history and natural resources history. Throughout its history, PN collaborated with more than twenty local, regional, and national Indigenous organizations on a multitude of pressing issues of the time. By maintaining a relationship of trust with these organizations, PN contributed to the transmission and publicization of their demands to a wide audience. Its role in the evolution of northern issues was essential and cannot be overlooked, especially during the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, the Berger Commission and the Northern Native Rights Campaign. A detailed study of its administrative history reveals, however, that PN acted according to a religious nordicity, that is a Christian vision of the North influenced by a structured and complex theology. PN's North was Christian, untouched by social sins and by vast natural resource development projects. This led the coalition to maintain indifferent, even hostile, relations with certain Indigenous organizations whose ends diverged from those of the coalition.