Les relations entre l’État québécois et les peuples autochtones sont marquées à la fois d’avancées, mais aussi de tensions et de contradictions. Peu d’études se sont intéressées à l’évolution de la politique québécoise à l’égard des Premiers Peuples et aux facteurs derrière celle-ci. Ce mémoire vise à mieux comprendre et à expliquer l’évolution des relations Québec-Autochtones de 1960 à 2022. L’évolution est d’abord caractérisée par de longues périodes d’inertie où les politiques changent peu, ponctuées par des épisodes de changements rapides induits par des moments de crise ou d’instabilité. De 1973 à 2005, les relations se consolident sur le plan juridique, puis politique et ensuite économique. Il est alors possible de parler d’une institutionnalisation basée sur la reconnaissance du statut et des droits des peuples autochtones. Cette dernière est toutefois circonscrite à l’intérieur des lois du Québec et ne pourrait porter atteinte à l’intégrité territoriale de la province. À partir du milieu des années 2000, les relations entrent dans une période de stabilité où elles évoluent de manière incrémentale par sédimentation. Une fois les relations institutionnalisées, nous assistons à l’émergence d’un phénomène de dépendance au sentier : les modalités, les principes et les structures se stabilisent, mais les domaines d’intervention étatiques s’accroissent entre 2006–2022. Cette période est caractérisée par une fragmentation des relations conduisant vers une décentralisation grandissante ainsi qu’un virage administratif dans les dynamiques relationnelles avec les nations autochtones durant cette dernière période. Ce mémoire démontre que l’évolution des relations s’explique par l’interaction de trois facteurs : l’activisme politique et juridique des Autochtones, l’évolution du cadre constitutionnel canadien et la présence structurante du nationalisme québécois. / The relationship between the Quebec state and Indigenous peoples is marked by both progress as well as tensions and contradictions. Few studies have delved into the evolution of Quebec’s policies towards First Peoples and the factors underlying this evolution. This thesis aims to better understand and explain the evolution of Quebec-Indigenous relations from 1960–2022. The evolution is first characterized by long periods of inertia, where policies change little, punctuated by episodes of rapid change induced by moments of crisis or instability. From 1973–2005, relations consolidate legally, then politically, and subsequently economically. It becomes possible to speak of institutionalization based on the recognition of the status and rights of Indigenous peoples. However, this recognition is confined within Quebec’s laws and cannot compromise the province’s territorial integrity. Starting from the mid-2000s, relations enter a period of stability where they evolve not in reaction to external events, but rather incrementally through sedimentation. Once the relations are institutionalized, a path dependency phenomenon emerges: modalities, principles, and structures stabilize, but areas of state intervention expand between 2006–2022. This period is characterized by increasing decentralization and what we term an administrative shift in the relational dynamics with Indigenous nations. Ultimately, this thesis demonstrates that the evolution of Quebec-Indigenous relations is explained by the interaction of three factors: Indigenous political and legal activism, the evolution of the Canadian constitutional framework, and the shaping presence of nationalism.

Indigenous peoples have special relation to the land, and they might seek to gain landrights based on their historical acknowledgment within a nation state in the modern days. The acknowledgment for the rights of these lands is based on their ethnic identity, historical and colonial roots and by the concept of self-determination. The structures and power are held by the nation states and guided by the international frameworks, which determine who are the people who hold rights to these lands. The research uses comparative political analysis in the special case of indigenous peoples in Sweden and Finland to illustrate recent political debate concerning land rights and self-determination. This paper offers analysis about the recent political trajectories regarding the ratification of C169 in both countries by combining political analysis and approach from the social sciences. The findings suggest that the question of self-determination, land and domestic legislation play a role why these countries have not ratified the legally binding convention C169.

No description available.

Thesis (MPH.) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Background: Substances abuse is affecting many young people in rural communities of Limpopo Province. There are no effective measures to combat substance abuse. Therefore, there is a need to strengthen substance abuse prevention and treatment services through the integration of indigenous health care practices. The Indigenous Health Practitioners Act No.22 of 2007 permits IHPs to provide prevention and treatment services to combat substance abuse. However, there is a lack of literature on the roles of IHPs in combating substance abuse. This paucity of literature necessitates the need to explore the perceived roles of IHPs in combating substance abuse. Objectives: The study aimed at exploring the perceived roles of IHPs in combating substance abuse at Mohodi Ga-Manthata in Limpopo Province. Method: A qualitative research approach using a case study design was conducted among IHPs of RDHA at Mohodi Ga-Manthata in Molemole Local Municipality of Limpopo Province. The purposive sampling technique was used in order to select IHPs that serve the aims of the study best to ensure that data saturation was reached. Data was collected through semi-structured one-to-one interviews with selected IHPs. Braun and Clarke’s six-phase framework for doing a thematic analysis was used to analyse data. An independent coder confirmed the findings. Results: The study findings revealed that IHPs perform demand reduction activities such as conducting awareness campaigns and involving young people in sporting and behavioural sessions for prevention of substance abuse. Furthermore, the findings show that IHPs perform harm reduction activities such as assessment and diagnosis, in-patient rehabilitation, counselling, diet therapy and prescription of indigenous medicines for treatment of substance abuse. Conclusion: The Indigenous Health Practitioners Act No.22 of 2007 permits IHPs to provide prevention and treatment services to combat substance abuse. The current study shows that IHPs have a significant role in demand reduction, harm reduction and supply reduction of substance abuse in rural communities. Therefore, there is a need for the Departments of Health and Department of Social Development to develop strategies to effectively train and integrate IHPs into the health system to ensure the provision of quality substance abuse continuum of care services and the strengthening of the health system.

<p>The marketing of Indigenous peoples, lands, art and culture from within areas that can loosely be drawn together under the rubric of “tourism,” draws Indigenous peoples in a tenuous and complex web of negotiations of imagery, authenticity, nationalism, economics, and identity. Many scholars have explored the economic implications of such interactions. My dissertation, however, is instead focused on attending to the relationship between the contemporary representation of Indigeneity, Canadian national identity, and the intensifying commoditization of ‘all things Indigenous’ (such as Indigenous bodies, identities, languages, spirituality, and material culture) within such spaces. My work asks, what are the consequences of particular forms of commodification of Indigenous culture and identity? In what ways are Indigenous peoples complicit with such forms and in what ways do we negotiate and/or resist them? How do current representations differ from those during the height of “Wild West” shows during Canada’s early nation- building phase, if at all? Mapping a trajectory of representations and visual spectacle in the latter part of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries across a number of sites I explore Indigenous and Canadian tourism marketing, the 1976, 1988 and 2010 Olympics, and Casino Rama. Such Indigenous self-conscious representation has often taken up through a constitutive, discursive lens of “Aboriginality.” Since the Canadian state’s entrenchment of the term “Aboriginal” within the <em>Constitution Act</em> (1982), Aboriginality has become its own representational force whereby some Indigenous peoples embrace it as a pathway to community economic revitalization. It is rather more productive, I argue, to recognize the Aboriginal as an allegorical figure of a contemporary market-focused society. While certainly related to what Daniel Francis refers to as the “Imaginary Indian,” the figure of the Aboriginal and of Aboriginality conceals much more sinister state projects that are tied to lingering Canadian state racism and colonializing agendas that seek, through, neoliberal economic terms, to assimilate Indigenous peoples. This assimilationist project is relaunched by the intensification of the corporatization and marketing of culture and identity. Indigenous peoples participation in the production of Aboriginality is increasingly positioned by the state as evidence of a willingness to assimilate but also as evidence of the reconciled nature of relationship between Indigenous and settler Canadians and the indigenization of settler Canadians. I close out by engaging in the fourth chapter a discussion of the artistic expression of Indigenous mixed media artists Rebecca Belmore and Terrance Houle, artists who, I contend, resist the increasingly regimented frame of Aboriginality and challenge the ease with which the state and settlers lay claim to Indigenous imagery, stories, lives, and lands.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The Nenets, an indigenous peoples in the North of Russia, are increasingly being affected by the gas industry. The increasing prioritisation of extractive industries, the status of the Arctic as a bellwether and the threatened situation of indigenous people in Russia has drawn greater attention to this field of study. One resulting issue concerns the relationship between the Nenets and the gas industry, especially regarding the traditional activity of the Nenets; reindeer pastoralism. The implications of this relationship remains little chronicled and understood, with only piecemeal attempts to consider the wider industry-indigenous pastoralism association. This thesis investigates this issue, with particular reference to the framework of energy justice and the Bovanenkovo gas field on the Yamal Peninsula. Energy justice is a relatively new theoretical framework that probes how justicial extractive industries are, whilst Bovanenkovo is a large and expanding gas field on the traditional territory of the Nenets. A systematic literature review has been employed as this thesis’ methodology, which has detailed the various frames by which the relationship on Yamal has been interpreted around the lens of energy justice. Overall, this review has revealed the presence of injustices on Yamal with distinct distributional, procedural and recognition injustices affecting reindeer pastoralism. The implicit nature by which energy justice is featured within the corpus’ authorship as well as the limited reference to the concept of justice are also demonstrated. A number of alternative frames characterising the relationship have also been elucidated, all of which contribute further to frames of injustice but also indicate remediation. A conclusion is drawn that the situation on Yamal remains complex with many different stakeholders, and that the indigenous Nenets remain ever-affected by resource extractive industries.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Anthropocentric climate change is a defining issue of the twenty-first century. Considering the severity of the effects, a more appropriate term may be climate crisis. Further, the intensity of the climate crisis, whether it is more frequent natural catastrophes or record-setting heat, puts societies and ecosystems at risk. Even classrooms and students must endure rising temperatures within schools. Yet educators also play an inimitable role in preparing students for a world living in a climate crisis. This requires extensive work to promote understanding and work toward solutions. Over the past twenty years, climate change education has evolved from a topic covered primarily in science classes to a subject covered in all content areas. In social studies, educators focus on the intersection between the climate crisis and issues such as justice, migration, and economics. Yet one of the primary methods for getting people to care about climate change is often missing from social studies curricula. The role of place is usually left unaccounted for in social studies despite place playing an important role in changing individuals’ mindsets about climate change. In addition, the voices that need to be heard most, including those living in locations most susceptible to climate change, are often marginalized. This qualitative study explores how educators in a vulnerable locale account for place when teaching climate change by asking the following question: How/where do social science educators in vulnerable locales form a sense of their place, and in what ways is that sense of place used accounted for when teaching climate change? The sub-questions for this study include: What ecological and cultural experiences and learning inform conceptions of place? How do teachers’ conceptualizations of climate change engage with local and global discourses of land, people, and society? How do teaching contexts (such as place-based education or predominant native schools) create variation across these research questions? This study used various methods, including semi-structured interviews, sensory ethnography, and visual elicitation, to understand how teachers incorporated place into their teaching and how different perspectives of place can inform a more holistic approach to teaching climate change. The study took place in Hawai‘i, a state and former sovereign kingdom with one of the most unique ecosystems in the world. It is a Pacific Island that faces unique challenges from climate change. Moreover, Hawai‘i has a strong understanding of the importance of place that is present through its Indigenous roots and its educational systems. The findings suggest that through a network of embedded and embodied knowledge, participants developed a relationship with land that affected not only who they were as individuals but also how they taught climate change.

The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.