Research on attitudes towards immigration policies typically considers the economic and cultural threats that compel many Americans to favor exclusionary policies that curb immigration. Less is understood about how indifference to inequality shapes Americans’ attitudes towards immigration policies—that is, how ‘not caring’ about the unequal conditions faced by immigrants likely has detrimental consequences for their safety and wellbeing. The present research examines indifference to inequality as a predictor for policies that impact opportunities for immigrants to come to the U.S., and who are otherwise undocumented and/or at great risk for exploitation. Using survey data from the American National Election Studies gathered in 2016 (Study 1; n = 3,187) and 2020 (Study 2; n = 6,941), we find that greater indifference to inequality is associated with less support for providing a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and greater support for building a wall between the U.S. and Mexico, independently of other explanatory intergroup variables (e.g., prejudice, threat, and demographic characteristics). However, these associations tend to be moderated by ethnoracial background, such that although indifference to inequality predicts immigration policy attitudes among U.S.-born White Americans, it is not predictive of attitudes among U.S.-born Latino and Black Americans. Furthermore, these associations are not moderated by recent family history of immigration, suggesting that respondents’ group status in the U.S. ethnoracial hierarchy, and not the personal relevance of immigration, may well be driving these associations.

Research indicates that African American women breastfeed at the lowest rates of any racial/ethnic group in the U.S. Breastfeeding has shown to have numerous health benefits for both mother and baby, making the lower rates of breastfeeding among African Americans a public health concern. Racial disparities in healthcare may contribute to these discrepancies. This research will analyze the perceptions of information and social support for breastfeeding provided by healthcare providers among a sample of African American mothers who breastfed their babies. The study asks: Do participants regard their healthcare providers as supportive of breastfeeding? Data were collected through in-depth qualitative interviews with 22 African American mothers. Participants interpreted their providers’ opinions on breastfeeding and formula and discussed whether they felt supported to breastfeed. Findings reveal which healthcare providers were perceived to be the most supportive of breastfeeding and themes within the time-frame codes: pregnancy, labor and birth, immediately after birth, and postpartum. The majority of participants felt supported during the first three stages. However, during the postpartum period, there was a lack of assistance from healthcare providers, resulting in limited breastfeeding support. Participants that did receive postpartum support typically received verbal affirmation, rather than given useful information.

<p>This research analyzes the reproduction of patriarchal ideological hegemony in the soap opera <em>Another World</em> using Stuart Hall's theory of the mass media and his conceptualization of ideology. A structural analysis of five one hour video-taped episodes of <em>Another World</em> reveals how the soap opera text constructs meaning fulfilling the three functions of the mass media, and thus, reproducing patriarchy's hegemony. This research confirms Hall's theory of the mass media and the propositions which flow from his conceptualization of ideology. Moreover, this research is the first attempt to systematically apply Hall's theory to the study of soap opera. It goes beyond the generalizations of his theory to look at the particularities of soap opera which contribute to the reproduction of patriarchal ideological hegemony. However, it is seen that what is problematic to this research, and all research on soap opera, is a lack of a theory of the reader.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

Much research has been done to explain how the late 2000s housing bubble burst, but little work has been done to see how working-class people responded and are responding to the issue of foreclosure in their communities. City Resistance, a grassroots community organization, transforms working class people from passive actors going through foreclosure to militant activists seeking to stay in their homes. My two-year ethnographic study chronicles the meetings, civil disobedience, and everyday lives of an organization of 300+ members in a medium sized, declining city, in the Northeast. It seeks to understand the multiple processes by which primarily Black and Latino members of the organization are transformed into radical subjects, but also the limits of that radicalism. A central contradiction is that the organizing model must address the immediate needs of members by servicing them and thus creating a belief in the legal system and the protections it offers, while simultaneously pushing them to think about housing as a human right, to move beyond their taken for granted conceptualizations of capitalism.

This investigation was to determine if an applicant’s sex and the job’s sex orientation stereotypes affected the evaluation of applicant information and subsequent selection decision outcomes. Interviewers (N=48) were asked to rate the employment suitability of 49 hypothetical applicants. The results indicated that an interaction of the applicant’s sex and job’s sex orientation had marginal affect on the importance weightings in two of the four applicant attribute factors, motivation/ability and personality/appearance. Applicants with equivalent qualifications did not receive comparable employment suitability ratings, Unfair job discrimination was demonstrated by these data. It was concluded that the applicant’s sex and the job’s sex orientation stereotypes affected the evaluation of applicant attribute information and subsequent selection suitability ratings. Future research advocating a process orientation is suggested.

Based on the premises of "Equity Theory" (Adams, 1963), this study evaluated the Virginia Community College System compensation rates and compared the salaries of similarly ranked and similarly qualified male and female faculty members. A quantitative analysis was conducted of the reported salaries of all full-time instructional faculty members in the Virginia Community College System in the Fall of 2006. The specific areas examined included salary, rank, highest degree earned, and full- or parttime employment status. Using the tenets of Equity Theory as a foundation, this study evaluated any differences in the compensation and rank between male and female faculty members to determine the "fairness" of salary policies. The population of this study included all instructional faculty members employed during academic year 2006-2007 in the 23 community colleges in the state of Virginia. Results of this analysis indicated that there were differences based on gender in the mean salaries of faculty members of the Virginia Community College System at the professor faculty rank for VCCS faculty members outside of Northern Virginia Community College and at the associate professor rank at Northern Virginia Community College. Findings of this study further indicated that faculty members in the Virginia Community College system overall were slightly more likely to be female, hold master's degrees, and hold assistant professor rank. Findings indicated that both males and females were equally likely to be employed as part-time faculty members in the Virginia Community College System and that both education and experience contributed significantly to salary in the Virginia Community College System.

The University of Kentucky (UK) and University of Michigan (UM) present very different patterns in terms of black student enrollments and completions from 2000 to 2012 because of a structural explanation, a qualitative explanation, and a statistical explanation. Unfortunately, the patterns at the University of Western Ontario (UWO) are partial due to a lack of data. First, the structural explanation is that UK, as a university in the state of Kentucky, was under a mandate from the U.S. Department of Education to desegregate because they were in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. The Kentucky Council on Postsecondary Education (KCPE) gave specific goals related to black student enrollment and completions. Substantial progress was made from 2000-2012, primarily during the time when Lee Todd Jr. created the President’s Commission on Diversity (PCD) which implemented strategies to achieve the goals. While the same federal laws applied to UM, as a northern state they were not under the same federal scrutiny regarding desegregation. UM was taking an aggressive approach with regards to increasing black student enrollments and completions under president Lee Bollinger, and he passed the process along to Mary Sue Coleman, but UM was faced with a negative response and resistance in terms of lawsuits in 2003 and legislation in 2006 (the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative or MCRI) which banned the consideration of race for all public colleges and universities in admissions. UM is highly selective, and a legacy of social movements by black students was stronger at UM than at UK, which may have increased media scrutiny and negative reactions. Essentially, UK’s success was based on an externally monitored topdown approach with little media scrutiny. Second, archived university websites from 2000-2012 and interviews with 21 key informants at the three universities showed a difference in the way diversity initiatives were framed. The Kentucky Plan, the desegregation mandate, had concrete and explicit language in terms of requirements related to black student enrollment at UK. The implementation at UK, although sometimes using broad and general language, was accountable to the explicit requirements of the mandate and black student enrollments and completions increased during that timeframe. At UM, during the Mary Sue Coleman administration, what began as explicit policy under Lee Bollinger became more general and vague policy after the 2003 lawsuits and 2006 legislation banning affirmative action, corresponding with a decline in black student enrollments and completions. Under Coleman, some have questioned whether the legislation was truly an obstacle, or an excuse to rationalize inaction with regards to black student enrollments and completions as they declined. In Ontario the language was typically general, and race tended to be absent, with diversity often conceptualized in terms of internationalizing the student body. Third, the statistical explanation is based on the cross-sectional examination of available National Center for Education Statistics’ Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) data available for the universities in both states in the U.S.A. in 2000, 2003, 2006, 2009, and 2012. Before 2006, state-level politics do not explain enrollments or completions. In 2009 and 2012, a variable representing the MCRI for four-year public universities in Michigan is significant in explaining decreased black student completions, however it was not significant for enrollments. This applies not only to two universities, it applies to the four-year public institutions in both states, but it does not apply to community colleges since they are primarily open enrollment. Finally, the cross-national comparison between the U.S. and Canada does not have concrete data because UWO, like all Canadian universities from 2000-2012, did not collect student data based on race. However, interview data and the framing of policies in this study shows significant problems with racial incidents and low black student enrollments. So under the Canadian multiculturalist regime, the common neglect of collecting racial statistics suggest the possibility of a multiculturalist parallel to colorblind racism that I call racism-blind multiculturalism.

This study explores the relationship between social workers’ perceptions of the HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) /AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) population and the effects on their service delivery. This study used a quantitative online survey with a self-administered questionnaire. Data was collected for 60 social worker participants for this study. Participants were provided a postcard to a link of the questionnaire that surveyed participants’ regarding demographics, general knowledge, knowledge about contracting HIV/AIDS, HIV/AIDS risk, and service delivery. Implications from the correlation coefficients identify a significant negative relationship between stigma and HIV/AIDS knowledge, suggesting that higher levels of stigma were present based on lower levels of HIV/AIDS knowledge. This study found that social workers were comfortable with PLWHA (people living with HIV/AIDS) and that social workers did not have strong levels of stigma towards PLWHA. A significant negative relationship between stigma and service delivery was found indicating that service delivery decreases based on the levels of stigma on behalf of the social worker. The findings of this study suggest further research and examination of social workers’ perception of PLWHA due to underrepresentation of social workers perceived stigma. The study also suggests that social workers need to increase their knowledge about PLWHA and the need for additional cultural competency trainings.

Trinidad's history is both multi-ethnic and multi-cultural. Contemporary Trinidad society reflects this history; and many ethnicities and cultures can be found within Trinidadian culture. However, advertising media, I have found, usually does not reflect the total ethnic composition of Trinidad. Instead, a 'Brown', racially ambiguous, face is used as a brand ambassador. Viewing this phenomenon through the lens of women in media imagery, this work sought to investigate this phenomenon further.

By comparing the post-conflict reconstruction patterns of Cyprus and Sri Lanka, it is possible to evaluate what was or was not effective in the Cyprus case and how these lessons may be applied to Sri Lanka. Considering the underlying similarities of the two islands’ respective conflicts, the focus determining the best course of action for Sri Lanka, so that it does not face the same stalemate situation as Cyprus. The recommended policy contrasts with the consociationalist models proposed for Cyprus, and is instead based on the unique Basque model of autonomy.