Le processus de catégorisation sociale occupe une place centrale dans la psychologie des relations intergroupes comme fondement des stéréotypes, des préjugés et de la discrimination. Il est aussi au cœur des débats sur les modèles politiques d’intégration interrogeant différentes voies possibles du vivre ensemble. Pour construire une société harmonieuse et cohésive, doit-on être aveugle aux différences ethniques, culturelles ou religieuses comme le prône la tradition républicaine française et donc éviter la catégorisation, ou faut-il, au contraire, reconnaître et mettre en valeur les différences culturelles et religieuses à l’instar d’une politique de multiculturalisme ? L’objectif général de cette thèse est de combler le manque de recherche sur une telle problématique en France en examinant de manière systématique l’influence du modèle républicain et du multiculturalisme sur les relations intergroupes, croisant le point de vue du groupe majoritaire et des populations minoritaires.Une première série d’études (N=338) visait à développer un instrument mesurant l’adhésion aux principes du modèle républicain. Elles révèlent deux facteurs distincts caractérisant cette adhésion : la citoyenneté, associée au à des attitudes favorables à l’égard du multiculturalisme et des minorités, et la laïcité, porteuse de préjugés et de conservatisme. L’étude 3 menée auprès de minoritaires (N=42) atteste du traitement égalitaire qui caractérise la citoyenneté, promotrice d’intégration et non d’assimilation.Dans une deuxième partie, l’étude 4 s’intéressait à analyser l’incidence causale des modèles d’intégration par leur induction expérimentale auprès de minoritaires Maghrébins (N=126). Les résultats montrent que ces modèles génèrent des effets positifs sur le bien-être, l’identification aux groupes et des orientations égalitaires. Elle souligne aussi le rôle du contact occasionné par la présence d’un expérimentateur du groupe majoritaire ou minoritaire.Usant du même protocole expérimental, une troisième et dernière partie empirique étudiait les attitudes du groupe majoritaire après induction des modèles d’intégration et des situations de contact. L’étude 5 (N=82) atteste que le multiculturalisme véhicule moins d’intolérance comparée au modèle républicain français au contact d’un expérimentateur majoritaire, mais conduit à une augmentation de l’hostilité intergroupe après rencontre d’un expérimentateur immigré. L’étude 6 (N=93) réduisant le statut hiérarchique avec un compère Maghrébin confirme la responsabilité du multiculturalisme dans l’expression d’un biais défavorable aux minorités. L’ensemble de ces résultats appuie l’idée d’effets bénéfiques partagés par les deux modèles mais distingue aussi des conditions limites à leur application. / The process of social categorization is central to the psychology of intergroup relations as the cognitive basis of stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination. It is also very much involved in current political debates about integration models and ways of managing cultural and religious diversity. In order to develop an harmonious and cohesive society, should one be blind to cultural, ethnic or religious differences as advocated by the French republican tradition, and thus avoid ethnic or religious categorization, or to the contrary, should one recognize, accept and value cultural and religious differences as advocated in a multiculturalism policy? The general aim of this thesis is to examine in a systematic manner the impact of the Republican model, and of the multiculturalism model, on intergroup relations from the perspective of both majority and minority group members.In a first series of studies (N = 338), an instrument designed to measure attitudes toward the principles of the Republican model was developed. The results indicate two distinct dimensions underlying these attitudes: republican citizenship, a dimension related to positive attitudes toward multiculturalism and minority groups, and secularism, a dimension related to prejudice and conservatism. Study 3 confirms among minority group members (N = 42) that citizenship is an egalitarian dimension, positively related to integration as an acculturation strategy rather than assimilation.In a second part, Study 4 tested the experimental effects of the integration models among participants of North African origin (N = 126). The results revealed a positive effect of both models on well-being, group identification and egalitarianism. The group membership of the experimenter (minority vs. majority group member) was also shown to be important.Using the same experimental paradigm, a third and final part concerns the reactions of majority group members. Study 5 (N = 82) showed that multiculturalism is more effective than the Republican model to reduce prejudice but only when the experimenter is a majority group member. The reverse is observed when the experimenter is a member of a minority group. Study 6 (N=93) showed that this effect does not stem from the fact that the minority group member has the high status of the experimenter..Overall, the results suggest that both models can generate positive effects but that there are conditions that can prevent the materialization of these effects.

<p>Issue of immigration was for a long time controversial concern throughout the Europe. Because of its demand for labor, Europe needs certain level of qualified immigration. However, in late decades a big amount of refugee immigration flow created serious challenges as well. Perceived ‘threat’ of immigration resulted in restrictive policies at both national and EU level. EU level policies in this respect are very interesting to research on. Because of great sensitivity of immigration issues to state sovereignty, formulation of EU level policy also faces challenges in terms of balancing intergovernmentalist and supranationalist logic of integration. Therefore, we have studied those policy and decision-making processes in immigration policy focusing on two issues: first, the motives behind the cooperation at EU level and the role of supranational institutions in shaping these EU level policies, second, the scope and capabilities of those policies. </p><p>Immigrant integration policy have been chosen as a case to comprehend issue more closely and detailed. Immigrant integration policy is very important for the social cohesion of European societies and is inseparable part of immigration policies. Immigrant integration debate is very new in EU agenda; it is just getting its way to Brussels. Although EU has no competence on this issue, we found out that there are quite real opportunities for EU to have its own way of helping with member states’ policies. The paper identifies and discusses important aspects of immigration and immigrant integration policies at EU level, the reasons why EU level policies are not pro-active and not suprantionalised yet. It further explores the available EU level instruments and sources for constructing strategy of integrating immigrants. All these study is done in the light of theoretical framework which is the combination of several theories, due to the complexity of the immigration matters. Every theory explains either some stage in the development of EU level policies (liberal intergovernmentalism and new institutionalism) or the possible EU level policy-making framework (intensive transgovernmentalism and policy coordination/benchmarking) for the studied issues.</p>

Issue of immigration was for a long time controversial concern throughout the Europe. Because of its demand for labor, Europe needs certain level of qualified immigration. However, in late decades a big amount of refugee immigration flow created serious challenges as well. Perceived ‘threat’ of immigration resulted in restrictive policies at both national and EU level. EU level policies in this respect are very interesting to research on. Because of great sensitivity of immigration issues to state sovereignty, formulation of EU level policy also faces challenges in terms of balancing intergovernmentalist and supranationalist logic of integration. Therefore, we have studied those policy and decision-making processes in immigration policy focusing on two issues: first, the motives behind the cooperation at EU level and the role of supranational institutions in shaping these EU level policies, second, the scope and capabilities of those policies. Immigrant integration policy have been chosen as a case to comprehend issue more closely and detailed. Immigrant integration policy is very important for the social cohesion of European societies and is inseparable part of immigration policies. Immigrant integration debate is very new in EU agenda; it is just getting its way to Brussels. Although EU has no competence on this issue, we found out that there are quite real opportunities for EU to have its own way of helping with member states’ policies. The paper identifies and discusses important aspects of immigration and immigrant integration policies at EU level, the reasons why EU level policies are not pro-active and not suprantionalised yet. It further explores the available EU level instruments and sources for constructing strategy of integrating immigrants. All these study is done in the light of theoretical framework which is the combination of several theories, due to the complexity of the immigration matters. Every theory explains either some stage in the development of EU level policies (liberal intergovernmentalism and new institutionalism) or the possible EU level policy-making framework (intensive transgovernmentalism and policy coordination/benchmarking) for the studied issues.

The aim of this study was to describe, analyze and compare the Left Party’s, the Social Democratic Party’s, the Liberal People’s Party’s and the Moderate Party’s ideas on immigration policy from 1960-2010. In this study the immigration policy program or party program was analyzed through idea analysis to find out what immigration policy interventions they have come with, and if they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants. Materials used for the study are the immigration policy programs and party programs. Even scientific journals and articles have been used, in both national and international level. An analysis instrument, by Carl Dahlström (2004), has been used in this study. In the analysis instrument the author mentions eleven (11) immigration policy interventions (6 integration and 5 assimilation meansures). The study concluded that the parties had different immigration policy interventions (assimilation and integration), but during certain periods of time, a number of parties had an equal number of interventions. Keywords: Immigration policy, integration policy, assimilation policy, party program, immigration policy program.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the Swedish governments discourse on integration of immigrants and thereby examine what social reality it constructs. The aim is to examine how integration and immigrants are constructed within the discourse. The method and theory being used in this essay is discourse theory. As a methodological instrument we use the policy on functional impairment as a comparison. The material being analyzed in this essay is political documents on the strategy on integration policy and the strategy on the policy of functional impairment. The main conclusions of the study are that immigrants are constructed as a homogenous group and immigrants are being discursively separated from the majority society. Social exclusion serves as an identity within the discourse. Another main conclusion is that integration is connected to labour and firstly constructed as labour market policy within the discourse. Integration is also related to social exclusion. The government often uses the term social exclusion instead of the term integration. The comparison with the policy on functional impairment serves as a possible alterative way of understanding integration and identity.

Work-life issues have been concerned by employees and employers from decades ago. The family structure has been transformed for the work style and most practices have been changed with human resource policy. However, the organizational climate of work and life is not clear and few of organizations implement comprehensive evaluation for the work-life culture. This research proceeds the cross-level analysis by using the hierarchical linear model which provides more precise outcomes. Besides, supervisor support has been recognized one of social supportive and informal organizational supportive resources, included by the work-life culture. Because of the unclear conception of informal organizational support, this research talks about the relationship of supportive supervisor behavior and organizational work-life policy. Furthermore, supervisor support comes up with employees¡¦ subjective well-being. Many scholars recognize employees who have supervisor support experience can reduce work-family conflict and turnover rate. Reasonably, job search behavior is the priority of voluntary quitting and job choosing, which helps to understand the process of employees¡¦ mind changing. To sum up, this research emphasizes on the influence among supportive supervisor behavior to work-life integration policy, subjective well-being and job search behavior. There are three dimensions for individuals, departments and organizations, combing employees¡¦ subjective well-being and objective job research behavior, excluding individual segmentation preference and segmentation support of workplace so as to strengthen the casual relationship and impersonal evaluation.

In this paper I study how the minority group Roma appears in the Swedish media. I also look at possible similarities and differences in appearance before and after the disclosure of the Roma registration by the Swedish police in September 2013. To answer my purpose with the paper I treat the following questions: How is the minority group Roma constructed in the media before and after the disclosure? In which ways are the minority group Roma expressed in the media before and after the disclosure? I am using a discourse analytic method based on theories of construction between “them” and “we” and the media’s impact on social constructions and identities. By analysing twenty-eight articles from a period of one month before and one month after the disclosure the result shows that there are more similarities than differences between how the Roma are described in the Swedish media. The conclusion is that there are small differences and bigger similarities in how the Roma are constructed between the two periods, but that the attitude against how they are expressed is more sympathetic after the disclosure.

This graduation thesis deal with the problem of imigration and consequent integration of the foreigners living in the Czech Republic. It is mainly focused on one of the most numbers comunities -- the Vietnamese. The aim of the thesis is the survey of the coo-living of the vietnamese minority and the czech society, especially at Prague 4, where one the biggest center at the Czech Republic is situated. Practicaly pait of the thesis evaluates the results of the research mainly conserned the problem of the vietnamese comunity. The author's research was made among the citizens of Prague 4- Libuš and its results are verbally and also graphically interpreted.

The aim of this master thesis is to present the immigration policy of Spain, with special emphasis on legislation. The thesis is divided into eight chapters. First of all I deal with the political and economical evolution of Spain, and then I concentrate on the evolution of migration changes over time. The core of my thesis is about the Spanish, European and international legislation of immigration, which I apply on two judicial proceedings as an example. The final part is dedicated to different impacts of immigration in Spain and a sociological survey, which demonstrates the opinion of the Spanish people about immigration and immigrants.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the integration policy in Sweden. The nation is known for its generous migration policy, which is why a lot of people choose to move to Sweden.  It is paramount that the immigrants become accustomed to and integrated into the Swedish society. For that reason, it becomes relevant to investigate the view of integration policy of the two of Sweden's largest parties, namely the Social Democrats and the Sweden Democrats.  The various philosophies and principles of the parties hereby make it important to research the view of integration of the Social Democrats and the Swedish Democrats. By employing idea analysis in a comparative case study setting, we aim to analyze the integration strategies of both parties. Throughout the following work, focus lies on multiculturalism and assimilation. The aim is to investigate whether similar or different integration steps are being taken by the parties. The analysis uses the party programs of both parties, numerous party bills, and party congresses. The Social Democrats pursue a perspective of multiculturalism, while the Swedish Democrats follow a perspective of assimilation. Thus, the study concludes that the Social Democrats and the Sweden Democrats follow different views on integration policy.