The conflicts happening around the Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro­ Sécure (TIPNIS) in Bolivia among the multiple and diverse stakeholders within it, cannot be reduced to a simple confrontation between conflicting interests regarding a highway. A political analysis of the TIPNIS conflicts should be an analysis of how Modernity responds to different, opposed and complementary civilizational projects, stressing the relation between indigenous peoples, and the plurinational state in Bolivia; the present locus of the conflict. The plurinational state in Bolivia was formed with the express intention of dismantling the colonial and its civilizational order through the reformulation of the Bolivian State. By contrasting, comparing, dissecting and analyzing how notions of citizenship, nationhood, and civilization are deployed in Modernity, in one geographical place, the TIPNIS in Bolivia, and through different historical eras, we can elucidate how those notions were and are enforced. The civilization/nation/citizen membership and non-membership, who fits and who doesn’t fit those categories, and how the movement between them is managed, throw light on how Modernity’s project is carried away in everyday life, and under what costs. / text

Thesis advisor: William Gamson / Thesis advisor: Zine Magubane / This dissertation examines Internal Colonialism Theory's importance to a comprehensive understanding of the oppression of African Americans still living in USA ghettos. It briefly explores the180 year history of Black activist depictions of a "nation within a nation," the impact of the depression-era Marxist notion of a Negro nation, Latin American influences on Robert Blauner, and the pervasive effect of international anti-colonialism and the Black Power Movement upon the development of American academic Internal Colonialism Theory. This appraisal evaluates Blauner's seminal presentation, Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt, and the major contributions of Robert L. Allen and Mario Barrera in analyzing African American and Chicano internal colonial experiences respectively. It re-assesses colonialism and moves beyond Eurocentric characterizations to elaborate a Continuum of Colonialism, including direct, indirect, external, internal, and "end of" colonialisms. This analysis addresses the contradiction that the American Revolution supposedly decolonized America without improving colonized conditions for African Americans or Native Americans, and defines internal colonialism as geographically based, disagreeing with the prevailing interpretation which contemplates the existence of diasporic African America as one collective colony. While summarizing the USA's course from settler colony system to today's inner cities of the colonized, this investigation explores African American class formation utilizing a variation of Marable's conception of Racial Domains as historical context through to the present. With the majority of African Americans in ghettos [internal colonies] scattered around the USA, this document outlines the positive and negative means of ending internal colonial situations within the contemporary USA. While elaborating how Internal Colonialism Theory quite practically fits harmoniously within several differing conceptualizations of American and global racial relations, this perspective offers a framework for more rigorous future discussions and debates about Internal Colonialism Theory, and previews three major international populations to which this assessment of Internal Colonialism Theory can be extended. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

Since Papua became part of Indonesia in 1963, hundreds of thousands of people have migrated there from other parts of the nation. By 2000, over a third of the province??s residents were non-indigenous people, with the great majority of these immigrants living in the more developed urban areas along the coast. This mass movement has transformed the territory??s society, altering the social, cultural and economic position and opportunities of the indigenous inhabitants. This thesis uses statistical data from Indonesian government publications to describe the development of these changes to the province??s population from 1963 to the early part of the 21st century. While it is acknowledged that the military presence and actions in the territory have played a crucial role in creating distrust of the Indonesian government among the indigenous people, this material supports the thesis that the mass movement of people to the region has developed an identification among the indigenous peoples of the territory of being part of a single Papuan community, a Papuan nationalism. This migration has also limited the educational and employment opportunities of indigenous people, creating hostility towards the newcomers among indigenous people and resulting in an alienation from the Indonesian nation. It will be argued that the patterns of settlement, employment and perceptions of ethnic difference between indigenous and migrant groups reflect a form of internal colonialism that has resulted from this immigration. While independence is a popular aspiration among indigenous Papuans, an evaluation of the national political situation suggests that this event is unlikely in the foreseeable future. If Papuans are to be incorporated fully into the nation of Indonesia, an understanding of the impact of migration on the province??s people is vital. This material also suggests that while there have been negative consequences of the Indonesian rule of the territory, claims that the indigenous population has suffered from genocide perpetrated by Indonesian forces are not supported by the statistical data.

In research, we frequently position “modernity” against “tradition” to explain cultural changes within the indigenous realm. Such is the case of Andean textile studies, where commercialization and modernity are frequently attributed to the decline in Andean communities’ production and donning of hand-woven textiles. By doing this, we distance ourselves from the underlying issues causing these changes: poverty, discrimination, ethnic social stratification, etc. Also, by positioning “modernity” outside and against the indigenous realm, we contribute to the notion that modernity belongs to the western world alone and can only be achieved by Western influence. In doing so, we confine Andean textiles to a static notion of identity and ignore and antagonize the creative strategies that weavers’ use, moving outside of this notion. My work questions the “tradition” versus “modernity” binary by analyzing its history and first appearance in Bolivian Andean textile scholarship, and by analyzing changes within Andean textiles between the Inca and Colonial periods. My study also sheds light on the workings of internal colonialism within Andean textiles in the Bolivian regions of Jalq’a and Tarabuco. / text

Since Papua became part of Indonesia in 1963, hundreds of thousands of people have migrated there from other parts of the nation. By 2000, over a third of the province??s residents were non-indigenous people, with the great majority of these immigrants living in the more developed urban areas along the coast. This mass movement has transformed the territory??s society, altering the social, cultural and economic position and opportunities of the indigenous inhabitants. This thesis uses statistical data from Indonesian government publications to describe the development of these changes to the province??s population from 1963 to the early part of the 21st century. While it is acknowledged that the military presence and actions in the territory have played a crucial role in creating distrust of the Indonesian government among the indigenous people, this material supports the thesis that the mass movement of people to the region has developed an identification among the indigenous peoples of the territory of being part of a single Papuan community, a Papuan nationalism. This migration has also limited the educational and employment opportunities of indigenous people, creating hostility towards the newcomers among indigenous people and resulting in an alienation from the Indonesian nation. It will be argued that the patterns of settlement, employment and perceptions of ethnic difference between indigenous and migrant groups reflect a form of internal colonialism that has resulted from this immigration. While independence is a popular aspiration among indigenous Papuans, an evaluation of the national political situation suggests that this event is unlikely in the foreseeable future. If Papuans are to be incorporated fully into the nation of Indonesia, an understanding of the impact of migration on the province??s people is vital. This material also suggests that while there have been negative consequences of the Indonesian rule of the territory, claims that the indigenous population has suffered from genocide perpetrated by Indonesian forces are not supported by the statistical data.

No description available.

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

This study concerns the alliance against clearcutting that has been formed between the Swedish environmental movement and the Sami movement. Earlier studies on environmentalist/Indigenous alliances have found that such cooperation often has been formed through reproductions of a colonial political relationship, perpetuating Indigenous peoples' structural marginality. This study therefore examines the production of solidarity within this alliance, and attends to how they challenge or reproduce a colonial power asymmetry. The analysis shows that the alliance has formed solidarity over identity and community borders, through conscious commitment to pluralism. This commitment has further shown to rely on the alliance functioning as a site of knowledge-sharing, placing embodied knowledge-practices central to a solidarity production of decolonization. The environmentalists in the alliance have by understanding and recognizing the forests they are seeking to protect as Indigenous land, and as occupied territory central to traditional cultural Indigenous life, enabled a decolonizing reconfiguration of the environment. Notwithstanding, the study problematize certain findings in relation to the risks they demonstrate of reproducing a colonial power asymmetry, and discusses the complexities of environmentalists claiming authority within foreign cultural landscapes, and carrying out protests affecting the social dynamics of Indigenous local communities. / Denna studie rör den allians mot kalhygge som bildats mellan den svenska miljörörelsen och den samepolitiska rörelsen. Tidigare studier om allianser mellan miljöaktivister och urbefolkningar har funnit att sådant samarbete ofta har bildats genom reproduktioner av en kolonial politisk relation, vilket vidmakthåller urbefolkningens strukturella marginalitet. Denna studie undersöker därför produktionen av solidaritet inom denna allians, och utforskar hur de utmanar eller reproducerar en kolonial maktasymmetri. Analysen visar att alliansen skapar solidaritet över identitets- och samhällsgränser, genom ett medvetet engagemang för pluralism. Detta engagemang möjliggörs genom att alliansen fungerar som en plats för kunskapsdelning, vilket placerar förkroppsligade kunskapspraktiker centralt för en solidarisk produktion av avkolonisering. Miljöaktivisterna i alliansen har, genom att förstå och erkänna skogarna som de försöker skydda som ockuperat territorium centralt för traditionellt kulturellt liv, möjliggjort en avkoloniserande omstrukturering av sin framställning av miljön. Studien problematiserar vidare vissa fynd i förhållande till de risker de utgör i att reproducera en kolonial maktsasymmetri, och diskuterar komplexiteten i att miljöaktivister gör anspråk på auktoritet inom främmande kulturlandskap och genomför demonstrationer som påverkar den sociala dynamiken i urbefolkningens lokalsamhällen.

Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades. / Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.