The main target of the Master's thesis is to evaluate international marketing activities of the researched subject in the time of the world economical crisis. The subject is the company ARKU Maschinenbau GmbH. The researched subject's activites will be compared with created theoretical basis. The theoretical part is completing the information from the area of marketing, precisly international marketing, and is complementing them by the theory of the management of the crises and collected data about current world economical crisis. The practical part is describing the real international marketing activities of the company ARKU Maschinenbau GmbH, because the most of these activities were, more or less, influenced by the crisis. The thesis is also describing and evaluating the marketing and other reactions and the arrangements that company had to accept to make it's situation better.

This doctoral research project conducts a political sociology of knowledge of non-governmental actors engaged in advocating and reporting on issues relating to conflict and human rights. It engages the following research question: what are the limits of knowledge produced by non-governmental advocates? This question is applied to empirical case studies looking at, firstly, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Crisis Group, and secondly, a network of global activists working on post-war Sri Lanka (2010-2014). Applying a Bourdieusian sociological framework, the thesis argues that professional advocates' epistemic practices are shaped by an array of socio-political dependencies. Contrasting with past applications of Bourdieu to International Relations, this thesis reveals contextually-specific dependencies through multiple levels and scales of analysis. At the organisational level, these dependencies manifest through advocacy NGOs' market-like relations with their targeted consumers, as well as their relations with rival knowledge producers. At the level of the human practitioner, it is shown how leading advocacy NGOs are reliant upon a relatively narrow labour market, consisting of practitioners who share a strong dispositional affinity with their consumers. Studying a smaller group of global advocates working on post-war Sri Lanka, the thesis also demonstrates how symbiotic relations between NGO practitioners and leading policy stakeholders had a structuring effect on advocates' network relations, as well as stimulating a deference to a dominant policy discourse of 'liberal peace'. Shifting the attention to advocates' extraction of knowledge from its proximal contexts, this thesis also examines the influence of advocates' localised dependencies. In the case of post-war Sri Lanka, it is shown how foreign advocates' knowledge is informed by a limited set of domestic actors, primarily encompassing the country's liberal elites. Overall, these dependencies are argued to place significant constraints on knowledge generated in advocacy contexts - limits that differ to other modes of knowledge production.

La crise des finances publiques de 2008 a entrainé la multiplication de révélations publiques par les médias de comportements d'évitement de l'impôt. La mobilisation internationale démontre la limite d'une action juridique nationale.La présente thèse part du principe selon lequel la portée juridique de la fraude fiscale devient limitée et la répression pénale s'avère insuffisante. La politique publique menée est désormais axée sur la déviance fiscale qui est une notion plus extensive et représentative de la réalité du phénomène de contournement des prélèvements obligatoires. Les mesures adoptées pour lutter contre les montages fiscaux concourent au rendement budgétaire en raison de l'enjeu du comblement des déficits publics.La thèse repose donc sur la démonstration de la difficulté de détermination même des comportements répréhensibles et sur la limite de la répression pénale. Cette partie a pour point de départ la difficulté d'appréhension des textes et la faiblesse des poursuites pénales. Elle s'appuie sur les textes les statistiques, et les révélations des organisations privées.Ensuite, la démonstration de l'importance du recouvrement qui se manifeste par l'organisation de la rapidité du paiement de l'impôt et la limitation des actions contentieuses.Cette partie s'appuie plus sur les témoignages des agents, magistrats, associations. / The public finance crisis of 2008 led to a proliferation of public revelations by the media of tax avoidance behavior. International mobilization demonstrates the limit of national legal action.This thesis proceeds from the principle that the legal scope of tax evasion becomes limited and penal repression is insufficient. Public policy is now focused on tax deviance, which is a broader notion and representative of the reality of the phenomenon of circumvention of mandatory levies. Measures adopted to combat fiscal arrangements contribute to budgetary performance because of the challenge of filling public deficits.The thesis is therefore based on the demonstration of the difficulty of determining even reprehensible behavior and on the limit of penal repression. This part begins with the difficulty of apprehending the texts and the weakness of the criminal prosecution. It relies on statistical texts, and revelations from private organizations.Second, the demonstration of the importance of recovery, which is manifested by the organization of the speed of payment of the tax and the limitation of contentious actions. This part relies more on the testimonies of agents, judges, associations.

International Relations theory has paid bare attention to the dynamics of results of crisis between powers operating in different regions. Existing literature shows that when a power is predominant in a region, major war is less likely to take place in that specific region. However, it is not clear whether the rule of predominant stability applies to situations where a major crisis arises between a local power and a geographically distant power. This project argues that two variables, Local Distribution of Power and Dyadic interregional Distribution of Power, determine the Result of Major interregional Crisis (war onset or peaceful resolution). Local Distribution of Power refers to distribution of power among local players and takes on two values: preponderance and non-preponderance. Dyadic interregional Distribution of Power refers to the power balance between the local power and the geographically outside power that confront each other in a major interregional crisis. It takes on three values: outside superiority, local-outside balance and local superiority. A large N analysis is used to test the relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable. And three longitudinal case studies are used to reveal the causal mechanism between the Dyadic interregional Distribution of Power and the Result of Major interregional Crisis. It is observed that when a major interregional crisis breaks out, a predominant local power distribution and power superiority of the outside power is more likely to end up in war, while a predominant local power distribution and a balanced dyadic interregional power distribution is more likely to lead to peaceful resolution of the crisis. In the former case, the complacent outside power tend to refuse to make concessions, while the local power, dominated by determination, opportunism and perceptions of local advantage, tends to opt for war. Other local players are also motivated to rely on the outside power to challenge the local power, which might entangle the outside power into war. In the latter case, the outside power, given its disadvantage of locality, tend to be cautious and refuse to be entangled by third parties into conflict, while the local power, being confident and aware of the high cost of a war, tend to be assertive but cautious, which contributes to peaceful resolution of the crisis.

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nÃo hà / O presente trabalho analisa a dinÃmica da liquidez da economia brasileira no perÃodo de janeiro/1995 a junho/2014, considerando os possÃveis efeitos das crises internacionais e de calendÃrio eleitoral sobre os meios de pagamento disponÃveis. Aplicando um modelo autorregressivo com valor limite endÃgeno aos dados das sÃries temporais de moedas e crÃditos buscadas no Banco Central do Brasil, foram obtidas estimativas que permitem inferir que a dinÃmica da liquidez da economia segue uma tendÃncia explosiva e que, muito embora nÃo esteja consistentemente relacionada a choques de crises internacionais e de cenÃrio polÃtico, a sensibilidade desses agregados monetÃrios aos choques macroeconÃmicos à perceptÃvel apenas em seus meios com maior liquidez, os quais apresentaram mudanÃa de regime no perÃodo estudado. Em conjunto, os resultados sugerem ainda que a situaÃÃo econÃmica esperada no longo prazo à estÃvel e que sÃo fracos os indÃcios de que a liquidez da economia seja afetada pelo calendÃrio eleitoral. / This paper analyzes the Brazilian economy liquidity dynamics from January 1995 and June 2014, taking into consideration the possible effects of international crisis and elections around available payment vehicles. Applying an endogenous threshold autoregressive model of cash time series and credits from Brazilian Central Bank, estimates were captured so that allows conclude that the economic liquidity dynamic given that tends to explode, however is not tied to the international crisis and the political scenario, the sensitivity around macroeconomics scenarios is perceived among its vehicles with more liquidity which shows regime change to the studied time. The results show that it is expected a stable economic scenario in long term and that there is a very low probability that the economy liquidity will be affected by the elections.

The 2006 Swedish parliamentary election was a historic election with the largest bloc transfer of voters in Swedish history. The 2002-2006 incumbent Social Democratic Party (S) received its lowest voter support since 1914 as roughly 150,000, or 8%, of the 2002 S voters went to the main opposition, the conservative Moderate Party (M). This became the most decisive factor in ousting S from power after 12 years of rule. As a result, the M-led Alliance (A) with the People's Party (FP), the Center Party (C), and the Christian Democrats (KD) won the election. Natural Disasters and National Election makes the novel contribution of proposing two natural disasters, the Indian Ocean’s 2004 Boxing Day Tsunami and 2005 Storm Gudrun (Erwin), which struck only two weeks following the tsunami, as major events that impacted government popularity in the 2006 election and contributed to the redistribution of voter support, within and across party-blocs. The core findings from this thesis show that the S government’s poor crisis response to Gudrun, which is the hitherto most costly natural disaster in Swedish history, alone has an estimated effect of a magnitude that likely contributed to the 2006 historic regime shift, while the tsunami also seems to have mattered. The tsunami is particularly interesting, as S’s poor international crisis response to the event constitutes the first natural disaster situation to knowingly have affected an election on the other side of the planet. Moreover, to some degree voters recognized the active opposition by C as effective representation and rewarded the party for its strong stance on the poor handling of both events by S. In fact, the active voice of C concerning these disasters likely helped move the party from the periphery of party politics to becoming the third-largest party in Swedish politics. In sum, this research investigates accountability and effective party representation via retrospective voting, which is an essential mechanism for the legitimacy of democracy. Findings suggest that the average Swedish voter indeed may be voting retrospectively to hold publically elected officials accountable, which suggest a healthy status of the retrospective voting mechanism and Swedish democracy.

Cette thèse est une réflexion originale sur le droit international dans la crise, car elle aborde le droit international grâce à une théorie peu connue en droit, celle des systèmes dynamiques complexes. L’étude du cas particulier de la gestion normative de la crise par le Conseil de sécurité illustre les intérêts de l’utilisation d’une théorie novatrice en droit. La théorie des systèmes dynamiques complexes offre les outils d’une réflexion sur le droit, fondée sur les interactions du droit avec le contexte particulier dans lequel il intervient, la crise, et ses acteurs. La mise en lumière de ces interactions favorise une lecture critique du droit international dans la crise et permet de renouveler l’ontologie de ce droit. Les dynamiques complexes appréhendées et définies par cette théorie sont utiles lorsqu’il s’agit d’expliquer les atouts et les limites de l’action normative du Conseil. Par ailleurs en renouvelant l’ontologie du droit, la théoriedes systèmes dynamiques complexes facilite une lecture prospective de l’action normative du Conseil et insiste sur le rôle institutionnel du droit. / This thesis is an original reflection on international law in time of crisis, as it addresses international law through a little-known theory in law, that of complex dynamic systems. The study of the specific case of the normative management of the crisis by the Security Council illustrates the interest of the use of an innovative theory in law.The theory of complex dynamic systems provides the tools to think differently the law, based on the interaction of law with the particular context in which it operates, the crisis, and its actors. The highlighting of these interactions favors a critical reading of international law in time of crisis and helps to renew the ontology of law. The complex dynamic understood and defined by this theory are useful when explaining the strengths and limitations of the Council’s action in time of crisis. In addition to renewing the ontology of law, complex dynamic systems theory facilitates a prospective reading of the normative action of the Council and stresses the institutional role of law.

“Imprensa revolucionária dos anos oitenta: os intelectuais e suas formulações sobre a revolução brasileira” analisa as transformações ocorridas nas elaborações dos intelectuais revolucionários acerca da revolução brasileira nos anos oitenta a partir da pesquisa sobre os periódicos: jornal da Convergência Socialista (da organização homônima), Em Tempo (da organização Democracia Socialista) e a Tribuna da Luta Operária e o Classe Operária (do PC do B). Esta tese percorre os principais debates sobre a revolução brasileira; a passagem da imprensa alternativa dos anos setenta para a imprensa revolucionária dos anos oitenta; e, os objetivos dos intelectuais redatores dos periódicos analisados. Entretanto, prioritariamente, procura entender as transformações ocorridas nas formulações desses intelectuais sobre revolução brasileira a partir do contexto histórico dos anos oitenta, principalmente com os processos políticos da redemocratização, da consolidação do poder burguês, e da crise internacional do socialismo. / "Revolutionary press from the eighties: the intellectuals and their formulations on the Brazilian revolution " analyzes the transformations occurred in the elaborations of revolutionary intellectuals on the Brazilian revolution in the eighties. From the research on the journals : Jornal da Convergência Socialista - Journal of Socialist Convergence (namesake of the organization), Em tempoda organização Democracia Socialista - In Time (Socialist Democracy organization's), Tribuna da Luta Operária - Workers Struggle Tribune - and Classe Operária - Working Class - of PC do B (Communist Party of Brazil). This thesis covers the main issues on the Brazilian revolution; the passage of the alternative press of the seventies to the eighties revolutionary press; and the editors intellectual goals of the analyzed journals. However, primarily seeks to understand the changes occurring in the formulations of these intellectuals about Brazilian revolution from the historical context of the eighties, mainly with the political processes of redemocratization, consolidation of bourgeois power and the international crisis of socialism.