Orientador: Sérgio Luiz Cruz Aguilar / Banca: Mauri da Slva / Banca: Gustavo Enrique Santillán / Banca: Agnaldo dos Santos / Banca: Marcos Cordeiro Pires / Resumo: Ao formular seu Novo Conceito de Segurança, a China vinculou diretamente a ideia de segurança à garantia das condições para seu desenvolvimento econômico. Diante da grande acumulação de capital via superávit em transações correntes e necessidades cada vez maiores de matérias-primas, abertura de novos mercados e influência política para estabelecimento de um mundo multipolar, a China lançou-se em um movimento de internacionalização de sua economia. Como estratégia de aproximação com o "mundo em desenvolvimento" os chineses resgataram o discurso do "Espírito de Bandung", em contraposição à tese de uma renovação da dependência ao estilo Norte-Sul. Partindo de uma relação estritamente comercial, os chineses passaram a fornecer capital na forma de investimento estrangeiro direto, financiamentos diversos e programas de ajuda internacional. O momento pareceu propício, uma vez que a ascensão de outras forças "emergentes" alimentou o retorno do debate sobre a Cooperação Sul-Sul. As relações da China com a América Latina não fugiram a esse padrão. Esta pesquisa, pois, questionou em que medida é possível afirmar que as relações entre a China e América Latina podem ser consideradas típicas de um modelo Sul-Sul, ou nos termos colocados pela diplomacia chinesa, que prezam pelo benefício mútuo em oposição a ideia do jogo de soma zero. Para responder à pergunta central da investigação, a abordagem proposta, portanto, buscou elucidar os seguintes aspectos: 1) verificar em que medida a conjunt... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: When the "New Security Concept" was formulated, the Chinese diplomacy sought to relate the security idea directly with the guarantees for China's economic development. Given the high capital accumulation via current account surplus, the higher needs for raw materials and energy sources, the political requirements for the establishment of a multipolar world, and the seeks for new markets for its exportations, China laid itself in an economic internationalization movement. As part of the strategy of its relations with the developing world, China used the discourse of the "Spirit of Bandung" to opposing the thesis that its ascension could contribute for new dependency relations. If firstly the approximation was based on commercial relations, in the 21th century, the Chinese began to provide capital to the developing world in several forms: foreign direct investment, different credit lines and foreign aid. The moment was propitious, once the emerging powers' rise seemed to feed the debate about south-south cooperation. This research sought to understand the relationship between China and Latin America inside this context. Therefore, we investigated to what extent the relations between China and Latina America can be seen as a south-south pattern or "mutually beneficial", as the Chinese diplomacy often affirms in its public documents. To answer the central question, we proceeded as follows: 1) we verified in what extent the new century's conjuncture has favored the south-south coo... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T12:26:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicero_PedroHenriquedeMoraes_D.pdf: 2260568 bytes, checksum: 0e875358b87396d1218f50d9f269f127 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O trabalho analisa as implicações decorrentes do rentismo tanto para a estrutura político-econômica doméstica quanto para a política externa exercida pela Venezuela. Ao constatar que a riqueza do país é gerada, majoritariamente, pelo comércio do petróleo no exterior, o texto problematiza as dificuldades enfrentadas em razão desta atividade não compor uma cadeia produtiva extensa, mas, sim, um conjunto restrito de ações e serviços vinculados à extração de recursos não-renováveis. Nesse contexto, a tese expõe as diferentes maneiras pelas quais a natureza rentista da economia venezuelana repercutiu, também, em sua política externa. Inicialmente, o foco recai sobre o processo que, entre 1927 e 1958, consolidou a primazia da atividade petroleira, bem como a ascensão e queda do momento político subsequente, o puntofijismo (1958-1998), enfatizando-se, nesse primeiro momento, o emergir da "diplomacia do petróleo" e o estabelecimento da vocação centro-americanista e caribenha da política externa venezuelana. Em seguida, detalha-se a maneira pela qual o governo Chávez (1999-2013) regulou e colocou em prática a exploração petrolífera no país, argumentando-se que o modelo escolhido para reorganizar o setor ¿ as empresas mistas ¿ manteve a iniciativa privada transnacional como sua principal beneficiária. Por outro lado, se reconhece a importante inovação realizada pelo governo bolivariano ao investir boa parte da renda no financiamento de programas de inclusão social. Já no âmbito internacional, em que pese a maior proeminência conquistada por meio da postura proativa e integracionista adotada pela política externa bolivariana, realça-se o fato do instrumento utilizado para tanto (o comércio do petróleo) colocar o país numa posição instável e preponderantemente subalterna no contexto da divisão internacional do trabalho / Abstract: The study analysis the implications of oil rentism for both the domestic political-structure and the foreign policy pursued by Venezuela. Noting that the country's wealth is generated mainly by the trade of oil abroad, the thesis discusses the difficulties faced due to the fact that the aforementioned activity is not part of a large chain of productive activities, being, on the contrary, part of a limited set of actions and services related to the extraction of non-renewable natural resources. Within this perspective, the study presents the different ways in which the rentier nature of the Venezuelan economy reflected in its foreign policy. Initially, the focus is on the process that, between 1927 and 1958, consolidated the primacy of oil as the main component of the economy, as well as the rise and fall of the subsequent political moment, puntofijism (1958-1998), emphasizing the emergence of "oil diplomacy" and the establishment of the Central American and Caribbean vocation of Venezuelan foreign policy. Then, it is presented how Chávez's administration (1999-2013) regulated and put into practice the oil exploration in the country, arguing that the model chosen to reorganize the sector - joint ventures ¿ maintained privet transnational capital as its main beneficiary. On the other hand, it is acknowledged that an important change has been made by the Bolivarian government through the policy of investing part of the income on social programs. In the international context, despite a greater prominence achieved by a proactive and integrationist Bolivarian foreign policy, it is stated that the instrument used to do so (oil trade) occupies, due the framework that rules oil trade, an unstable and subordinate position within transnational capitalism / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

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This dissertation contains four essays in spatial and international economics. Chapter 1 investigates how housing variety varies across space. Housing costs are key in understanding real income differences across space and time. Standard measures of housing costs do not account for availability differences, where some housing varieties are available in certain cities or time periods but not others. When households have idiosyncratic preferences over housing units, the set of available housing varieties in a city matters. This paper develops theoretically-founded housing price indices to measure housing costs that account for availability differences. To allow for flexible substitution patterns, I propose a method to jointly estimate the nests that varieties belong to and the elasticity of substitution across varieties within each nest. I find that households in larger cities benefit from having access to varieties not available in smaller cities. Utility-consistent housing prices reduce the elasticity of housing prices with respect to population by a half. Since housing is a third of household expenditure, this implies that we have systematically underestimated real income and overestimated residual amenities in larger cities. In contrast to previous estimates, I find that real income is increasing in city size after accounting for availability differences. Chapter 2 investigates the factors that cause incomplete pass-through of exchange rate shocks into border prices. This paper examines the role of decreasing returns to scale, a channel that has received limited empirical and theoretical attention. Based on a first-order approximation to a firm's optimal price, I show that 1) decreasing returns to scale interacts with variable markups, imported inputs, and destination non-traded costs to generate incomplete pass-through, 2) there is asymmetry between importer currency and exporter currency shocks due to imported inputs, and 3) strategic complementarity matters, where firms adjust their prices in response to competitor prices. I propose a new estimation method for key demand and supply parameters that govern the degree of markup and marginal cost adjustments. Using the estimated parameters, I find that decreasing returns to scale is the dominant factor in generating incomplete pass-through, with variable marginal costs contributing to over 90% of the incomplete pass-through, while variable markups account for less than 10%. Chapter 3 analyzes the determinants of exporter size. Theories of comparative advantage and product differentiation have emphasized productivity and quality differences. This paper shows that incorporating decreasing returns to scale matters for understanding the determinants of exporter size. Exogenous marginal cost differences affect equilibrium quantities but do not necessarily appear in prices since lower exogenous marginal costs (a lower cost curve) are offset by higher endogenous marginal costs (movement along the cost curve). As a result, standard approaches that assume constant returns to scale underestimate the contribution of marginal cost differences and overestimate the contribution of quality differences. Based on bilateral trade flow data between 1997 to 2016 for over 200 countries and 3000 products, I find that standard approaches attribute almost no variation in exporter size to cost differences. In contrast, after incorporating decreasing returns to scale, I estimate that 58% (65%) of the variation in exporter size is attributed to fundamental cost differences in the time series (cross-section). Chapter 4 models and quantifies the dynamic gains from exporting. I develop a dynamic trade model where firms innovate and learn from other firms in the destinations they sell to. The evolution of a country's stock of knowledge can be expressed as a function of export flows and the stocks of knowledge of their trading partners. I find evidence that countries in Asia, North America, and Europe, as well as countries in the top two quartiles of TFP growth were able to better absorb foreign insights than other countries. I evaluate whether there are dynamic gains from trade with two counterfactual exercises. First, I measure the impact of changing trade costs between 1962 and 2000. I find small static gains but zero dynamic gains for the world economy. Second, I quantify the dynamic gains from export-induced foreign knowledge flows by simulating a counterfactual where there is no learning from foreign sources. I find that domestic learning compensates for foreign learning: there are large dynamic gains from exporting when there is no domestic learning and small dynamic gains when there is domestic learning.

As the economy of the international community becomes consistently more integrated, states and international organizations often look toward economic methods to serve as alternative policy options in resolving international disputes. The past decade has seen a dramatic increase in the use of economic sanctions as a tool of foreign policy. The increase in the number of economic sanction regimes and the question of their efficacy in achieving political goals has become a key issue for policymakers and political analysts. Statistical research based upon case studies reports that sanctions are often limited in achieving primary foreign policy goals. Why then, if sanctions are commonly reported to be unsuccessful in achieving their primary political objectives do policymakers continue to use them at such a high rate? The purpose of the study is to show that the traditional criteria for defining success has been too narrow. Success has often been determined by compliance with immediate primary goals. The thesis will argue that economic sanctions are effective in achieving important secondary goals such as signaling or bargaining incentives, and therefore may have a higher success rate than previously assumed.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / The last decade has seen an increased focus on emerging markets. The BRICS countries are at the forefront of this trend and have been achieving high economic growths in comparison to the developed countries. The contribution that these countries make to the global economy is increasing significantly. Many global companies have entered emerging markets seeking new growth opportunities within these untapped regions that are rich with possibility. With the increasing number of companies entering emerging markets, it is important that investors have a good understanding of what it is like doing business in these markets. This research focusses on doing business in Africa within the retail sector. The current literature provides examples of companies entering these markets, but only a handful deals with the retail industry. The purpose of this research is to establish a set of guidelines based on the literature and findings from this research. Four company’s experiences with entering emerging markets are analysed. This research addresses the considerations taken into account prior to entering a market, the challenges faced post entry and what factors contributed to the current success achieved. This research will be particularly useful for foreign companies deciding to enter Africa.

A dissertation submitted to the School of International Relations of the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in part-fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts, March 2017 / This thesis is situated within the study of International Relations. It centers on a critical analysis of the World Bank’s ideological framework towards its poverty reduction and development goals. It seeks to provide an understanding of the ideas, ideals, and values that form the basis of the Bank’s development thinking. Ideology plays an important role in this thesis, as the way the World Bank thinks of and pursues development is of great importance; it speaks to the ideology of development, not just within the Bank, but within the global structure of development. Literature that is reviewed in this thesis suggests that the Bank leans towards a neo-liberal ideology. The selected text for the analysis, The World Development Report: Attacking Poverty (2000-01) will also be analysed in order to review the principles that have been adopted by the Bank and the development community at large. In order to understand and explore the factors that influence the Bank’s ideological framework, this study employs two levels of analysis through a critical theoretical framework and discourse analysis as a methodological tool. The first level of analysis looks at internal sources of influence; the Bank’s voting and governance structure. The second level considers external sources of influence, such as intellectual culture and bureaucratic culture. As stated above, a critical analysis of the Bank’s key document, the World Development Report: Attacking Poverty (2000-01), will also be carried out. This thesis concludes that through internal sources of influences such as the unequal voting shares; powerful actors such as the United States have shaped the Bank’s thinking towards development, as the Bank’s view of development leans towards Anglo-American norms and values as well as interests. Through external sources of influence, the Bank has been dominated by an economic discourse, which Wade (2006) has termed ‘economic imperialism’. Through its hiring, promotion and research publications, the Bank has favored the discourse of economics. Through its financial power within the global arena, the Bank has the power to influence the development narrative, its ideas and values of development have been normalized and universalized within the development community. Its financial strength and research output, both within the Bank and the global arena, are some of its aspect that aid in the maintenance of the status quo in development, consequently, this has led to other views that are not in line with the Bank to be ignored and neglected. The Bank has also presented the neoliberal ideology as the best means to achieve development and alleviate poverty, this is evidenced through the Bank’s key text, as neoliberal principles such as privatisation and deregulation are presented as the only way to achieve development. This thesis also recognises that the Bank does not exists in a vacuum, it ideology, norms and values are also heavily influenced by events that take place on the international sphere, such as the economic crises of the 1970s that influenced the Bank’s position on poverty and development. / XL2018

O objetivo primário desta tese é identificar como as empresas multinacionais (EMNs) agem como negociadoras nas relações econômicas internacionais (REI). A hipótese geral a ser verificada é de que as EMNs buscam influenciar os Estados e suas coalizões utilizando-se de seu poder estrutural e de seu poder brando, nacional e transnacionalmente, de modo a afetar os interesses dos Estados e de suas coalizões. A efetividade da defesa de seus interesses depende, basicamente, da confluência dos interesses dos Estados e das empresas e da vulnerabilidade dos Estados em relação às atividades das empresas bem como a capacidade relativa das coalizões que as empresas buscam influenciar. Dentro desse contexto, na parte I deste trabalho, proponho uma breve discussão sobre o papel das EMNs nas Relações Econômicas Internacionais contemporâneas, identificando quatro grandes cortes teóricos: Marxismo, incluindo vertentes neo-marxistas como a Teoria da Dependência e o Sistema Mundial Moderno; Neo-Realismo, incluindo a Teoria da Estabilidade Hegemônica, o Neoliberalismo, incluindo a Interdependência Complexa e; a visão delineada por Susan Strange. Como conclusão desta discussão, justifico o meu corte teórico fundamentalmente ligado à interdependência complexa e ao xadrez de três níveis de Nye (Neoliberalismo), pelo seu desenho teórico que permite ver a ação das EMNs como independente e não submissa à ação dos Estados, ao mesmo tempo que aceita a centralidade da ação dos Estados na regulação do sistema econômico internacional. Em seguida, reconheço a limitação do poder de influência das EMNs através de uma extensão do modelo Frieden-Rogowsky, onde proponho que; (a) os setores prejudicados pelo processo de internacionalização tendem, tanto em nível nacional quanto em nível transnacional, a se opor a ações políticas das EMNs e; (b) regimes autoritários tendem a ser menos vulneráveis em relação à ação política das EMNs. Finalmente, na Parte II, realizamos dois estudos de caso relativos ao nosso modelo de negociações de empresas EMNs no contexto da política internacional: as negociações sobre o estabelecimento de um regime de propriedade intelectual no contexto da Rodada Uruguai do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) e o Protocolo de Cartagena de Biosegurança , instrumento complementar à Convenção de Biodiversidade (CBD) que regulamenta os organismos geneticamente modificados (OGMs). Uma importante conclusão da tese é que a influência das EMNs nas negociações econômicas internacionais depende largamente das estruturas dos processos de negociação, onde fóruns multilaterais e multitemáticos tendem a favorecer a influência das EMNs em comparação a fóruns monotemáticos. Outra importante contribuição teórica foi explicar as circunstâncias em que as EMNs operam como negociadores das REI, através da influência, se utilizando de poder estrutural e brando, buscando formar coalizões transnacionais e buscando incentivar a formação de coalizões entre Estados que defendam os seus interesses em contextos intergovernamentais. Ou seja, este trabalho explica um pouco da dinâmica da relação do chamado terceiro xadrez (transnacioal) com o segundo xadrez (econômico) das relações internacionais. / The main objective of this thesis is to identify how the multinational companies (MNCs) act as negotiators in the international economic relations (IER). The main hypothesis is that the MNCs try to influence the States and their coalitions, nationally and transnationally, through its structural power as well as its soft power. The defense of their corporate interests depends on the confluence of their interests with those of the states as well as the state\'s vulnerabilities to the corporations activities. Moreover, the MNCs should be able to influence the strongest state\'s coalition in the multilateral process of negotiation. In the first part of this work I propose a brief discussion of the role of the MNCs in the contemporary IER through four theoretical cuts: Marxism, including neo-marxists theories such as the Dependency Theory and the Modern Wold System; Neorealism, including the Hegemonic Stability Theory; neoliberalism, including the Complex Interdependence and; the Susan Strange\'s approach. As a conclusion of this part I justify my theoretical preference related to the Complex Interdependence and the three level chessboard of Nye (Neoliberalism) since its allows us to understand the MNCs preferences as independent of those of the states. At the same time, these models recognize that states still play a central role in the regulation of the international economic system. I recognize the limitations of the MNCs influence power through an extension of the Frieden-Rogowsky model, where I propose that: (a) the sectors damaged by the process of internationalization tend, nationally and transnationally, to oppose to the political actions of the MNCs and; (b) authoritarian regimes tend to be less vulnerable to the political actions of the MNCs. The part II of the thesis shows the role of MNCs in two case studies: the negotiations that led to the creation of an international regime of intellectual property in the Uruguay Round of GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) and the negotiations of the Cartagena Protocol of Biosafety, a complementary instrument of the Biodiversity Convention (CBD), which regulates the genetically modified organisms (GMOs). An important conclusion of this thesis is that influence of the MNCs depends on the structure of the negotiation process. Multilateral and multi-issues processes tend to increase their influence in comparison to single-issue negotiations. Another important theoretical contribution was to explain under which circumstances the MNCs are able to act as negotiators in the IRE, through influence, utilizing its structural and soft powers, by forming transnational coalitions and by helping the formation of state\'s coalitions willing to defend their interests in intergovernamental negotiation processes. Therefore, this work partially explains the relationship between the third chessboard (transnational) and the second chessboard (economics) of international relations.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2019-03-19T12:32:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 William Daldegan de Freitas.pdf: 6718593 bytes, checksum: b93fabf100ab52efc7d87eda42bf41c8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-19T12:32:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 William Daldegan de Freitas.pdf: 6718593 bytes, checksum: b93fabf100ab52efc7d87eda42bf41c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-02-25 / The hypothesis defended here is that BRICS is a processual and dynamic phenomenon, adequate to the contemporary international order. As a processual phenomenon, it is understood that there is not a specific definition, much less the intention, regarding the format or the institutionalization to be achieved. It is a dynamic group, due to the perception of its members, which does not mean that there are limitations to their international strategies and initiatives. For this, the annual declarations of the BRICS summits, between 2009 and 2018, were analysed, through the historical methodology used in the analysis of documents and bibliography. The usage of software – AntConc e VOSviwer –, to count words and word association, enabled the construction of a textual analysis model and yielded results that prove the proposed hypothesis: the absence of formalization of the BRICS derives from the interest of its members, by preserving their independence and autonomy in the establishment of projects and policies, without harming their coordination as group. Moreover, the absence of formalization, above all, allows the creation of a bank and a reserve fund and fills the empty spaces, in a stimulus of the enlargement of the international order, without defying it / A tese aqui defendida é de que o BRICS é um fenômeno processual e dinâmico, adequado à natureza da ordem internacional contemporânea. Enquanto processual, entende-se que não há definição, tampouco intenção, quanto ao formato ou institucionalização a serem alcançados. Trata-se de um grupo dinâmico, devido às percepções dos seus membros, sem que isso signifique limitações em suas estratégias e iniciativas internacionais. Para tanto, foram analisadas as declarações anuais de cúpula do BRICS, entre 2009 e 2018, por meio da metodologia histórica no emprego da análise documental e bibliográfica. A utilização dos softwares – AntConc e VOSviwer - para a contagem e associação de palavras permitiu a construção de um modelo para análise textual e gerou resultados que comprovam a tese proposta: a não formalização do BRICS deriva do interesse de seus membros, ao preservar a independência e autonomia na condução de projetos e políticas individuais, sem que isso acarrete prejuízo para sua articulação enquanto grupo. Além disso, e sobretudo, permite a criação de um banco e de um fundo de reservas e a ocupação de espaços vazios, num estímulo ao alargamento da ordem internacional, sem contestá-la