This thesis begins with the hypothesis that the role of ideas in urban and global development is understudied and understated in comparison to studies that privilege economic and political analyses. The thesis generates two related models that seek to provide a comprehensive means of analyzing both the political economic constraints of development as well as the ideational limits that are overlooked by conventional models. The political economic model adapts constructivist principles to explain the structural limits on urban development that emerge from the contemporary global political economy. The second model draws on previous work done in the field of policy diffusion to posit four relational ways in which ideas are adapted and localized. The thesis argues that political economy analyses provide a comprehensive but mostly macro-level analysis and often fail to adequately understand individual thinking outside of the rational actor model. The ideational adaptation model corrects for this, providing a detailed micro-level analysis that is founded on the political economic framework. Together, the two models provide a comprehensive understanding of the ideational limits and political economic constraints at work in any given development scenario. In order to demonstrate the utility of the combined models (termed combined conceptual approach), the thesis applies the models to four different applications. Three examples are historical secondary source examples (educational philosophy, international business councils, and water sanitation) related to the history of Shanghai and China, and the impact of foreigners on their development vision, strategies, and practice. One application is a case study of Shanghai’s Expo 2010, which uses original data established through high-level interviews with Expo participants. The use of the combined conceptual approach shows how the interpersonal and inter-institutional adaptation and localization of ideas affect the way we understand the concept of legitimate best practice in urban development. The combined conceptual approach highlights the role that human thought, emotions, and psychology play in urban development. It links political economic activity to constructed bonds of trust, learning, the mentality of competition, and soft forms of coercive power (hegemonic ideas, leadership, and conditionality). Finally, the most important contribution of the combined conceptual approach is that it allows for an analysis of both the macro- and micro-levels of development in a relational and holistic fashion.

COSTA, C. G. F. Desigualdade, pobreza e governança: uma agenda para Timor-Leste. 2014. 209 f. Tese (Doutorado em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente) - Centro de Ciências, Universidade Federal do Ceará, Fortaleza, 2014. / Submitted by Daniel Eduardo Alencar da Silva (dealencar.silva@gmail.com) on 2015-01-29T17:51:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_cgfcosta.pdf: 8891790 bytes, checksum: 91cb42ef4c22d106bdb2d8bbf368d24f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by José Jairo Viana de Sousa(jairo@ufc.br) on 2015-03-30T22:10:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_cgfcosta.pdf: 8891790 bytes, checksum: 91cb42ef4c22d106bdb2d8bbf368d24f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-30T22:10:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_cgfcosta.pdf: 8891790 bytes, checksum: 91cb42ef4c22d106bdb2d8bbf368d24f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The theme of this thesis - "INEQUALITY, POVERTY AND GOVERNANCE: AN AGENDA FOR EAST TIMOR" - stems from an interest to assess the influence of key-actors - NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System - in policy development, in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts; in particular we search for solutions to deal with the problem of how to evaluate governance, policies and the development path in countries without reliable and structured data. This research animes to contribute to the debate on the influence of NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System on issues concerning governance, sustainable development and environment issues in developing countries that emerge from conflict featuring unconsolidated democracies; We analysed the case of East Timor, between 1999 and 2012, on issues related to social, gender and income inequality and a variety of global issues like climate change and poverty levels, based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The theoretical and methodological basis of this study was Melucci (1991). Notwithstanding this study is stakeholder-oriented based on inter- and transdisciplinary research, on multi-level and participatory governance theories and political philosophy, with focus on horizontal and environmental policy integration and processes as well as questions of legitimacy, accountability and sustainability based on the analysis of secondary sources (text, numbers, images, etc.) and collection of primary empirical data in the field, in 2012, for policy analysis in different contexts - a necessary step due to the fragility and often lack of reliable data and audited information. We analysed official documents and reports such key UN-resolutions, the Timor-Leste National Development Plan (NDP), the Millennium Development Goals Reports (MDGs), Human Development Reports (HDR), Evolution of the Human Development Index (HDI), scientific articles and several technical reports released by development agencies such as ABD, FAO, UNDP and others. We observed a huge discrepancy between rhetoric and practice concerning the key-actors participation as well as noticeable flaws in policy conduction at various levels. Transparency levels are incredibly low and it permeates all levels of the government. The impression one gets is that there was an interest in promoting the pacification process to enable foreign companies to extract oil at low risk, while issues related to governance, accountability and transparency were neglected. It is argued that such challenges were less a matter of rules and regulations then basic approaches, attitudes and power relations. It is possible that these key-actors, in general, did not succeed in find ways to change their approach during the years of stabilization; with little or no progress on issues related to human development, poverty and inequality reduction. Instead of fostering the development of a viable and autonomous civil society its results have demonstrated the depletion of a model of development that on one hand was efficient on the pacification process while on the other hand have failed in the promotion of opportunities, governance and sustainable development. Finally, we conclude that socioeconomic peculiarities and policies adopted in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts should not be seeing as specific procedural and institutional factors replicable from stabilized societies, it is necessary to draw up a better database and a set of analysis tools based on the peculiar conditions of developing countries emerging from different forms of conflict focusing on mechanisms that promote good governance, transparency and accountability. As final considerations, to support Timor-Leste’s sustainable development policies, we point out the need to relativize the implementation of criteria considered necessary for good governance, establish a hierarchy over time and across priorities in development programs and projects, which must be guided by the specificities of particular contexts. This research contributed to the debate on the influence of NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System on issues concerning governance, sustainable development and environmental related issues in developing countries that emerge from conflict featuring unconsolidated democracies; We analysed the case of East Timor, between 1999 and 2012, on issues related to social, gender and income inequality and a variety of global issues like climate change and poverty levels, based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The theoretical and methodological basis of this study was Melucci (1992). This study is stakeholder-oriented based on inter- and transdisciplinary research, on multi-level and participatory governance theories and political philosophy, with focus on horizontal and environmental policy integration and processes as well as questions of legitimacy, accountability and sustainability. based on the analysis of secondary sources (text, numbers, images, etc.) and collection of primary empirical data in the field, in 2012, for policy analysis in different contexts - a necessary step due to the fragility and often lack of reliable data and audited information. We analysed official documents and reports such key UN-resolutions, the Timor-Leste National Development Plan (NDP), the Millennium Development Goals Reports (MDGs), Human Development Reports (HDR), Evolution of the Human Development Index (HDI), scientific articles and several technical reports released by development agencies such as ABD, FAO, UNDP and others. We observed a huge discrepancy between rhetoric and practice concerning the key-actors participation as well as noticeable flaws in policy conduction at various levels. Corruption levels are high and permeates all levels of the government. The impression one gets is that there was an interest in promoting the pacification process to enable oil companies to extract oil at low risk, while issues related to governance, accountability and transparency were neglected. It is argued that such challenges were less a matter of rules and regulations then basic approaches, attitudes and power relations. It is possible that these key-actors, in general, have not changed their approach during the years of stabilization; with little or no progress on issues related to human development, poverty and inequality reduction. Instead of fostering the development of a viable and autonomous civil society its results have demonstrated the depletion of a model of development that on one hand was efficient on the pacification procces but that on the other hand have failed in the promotion of opportunities, governance and sustainable development. Finally, we conclude that socioeconomic peculiarities and policies adopted in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts should not be seing as specific procedural and institutional factors replicable from stabilized societies, it is necessary to draw up a better database and a set of analysis tools based on the peculiar conditions of developing countries emerging from different forms of conflict focusing on mechanisms that promote good governance, transparency and accountability. As final considerations, to support Timor-Lestes´s sustainable development policies, we point out the need to relativize the implementation of criteria considered necessary for good governance, establish a hierarchy over time and across priorities in development programs and projects, which must be guided by the specificities of particular contexts. / O tema desta tese - "Desigualdade, pobreza e governança: uma agenda para Timor-Leste" - decorre do interesse em avaliar a influência de atores-chave - ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das Nações Unidas - no desenvolvimento de políticas, em países em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos graves; em particular, procurar soluções para lidar com o problema de como avaliar políticas de governança, e trajetórias de desenvolvimento em países sem base de dados confiáveis e estruturados. Esta pesquisa buscou contribuir para o debate sobre a influência das ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das Nações Unidas sobre questões relacionadas a governança, desenvolvimento sustentável e questões ambientais em países em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos configurando democracias não-consolidadas; Analisamos o caso de Timor-Leste entre 1999 e 2012 com relação a questões socioeconômicas, desigualdade de gênero de renda e uma variedade de questões globais como mudanças climáticas e níveis de pobreza, com base nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio (ODM). A base teórica e metodológica deste estudo foi Melucci (1991). Entretanto, este estudo é "stakeholder-orientado", baseado em investigação interdisciplinar e transdisciplinar, em multi-nível com base em teorias de governança participativa e filosofia política, com foco na integração horizontal de processos de ordem política e ambiental, bem como questões de legitimidade, prestação de contas e sustentabilidade com base na análise de fontes secundárias (texto, números, imagens, etc.) e de recolha de dados empíricos primárias no campo em Timor-Leste, em 2012, para a análise de políticas em diferentes contextos - um passo necessário devido à fragilidade e muitas vezes a falta de dados confiáveis e informações auditadas. Foram analisados documentos oficiais e relatórios-chaves baseados em resoluções da ONU, o Plano de Timor-Leste Desenvolvimento Nacional (PDN), os Relatórios sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio (ODM), Relatórios de Desenvolvimento Humano (HDR), Evolução do Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH), artigos científicos e vários relatórios técnicos divulgados por agências de desenvolvimento, como a ABD, FAO, PNUD e outros. Foi observado uma enorme discrepância entre a retórica e a prática relativa à participação atores-chave, bem como falhas visíveis na condução política em vários níveis. Os níveis de transparência são reduzidos e, isso permeia todas as áreas do governo. A impressão que se tem é que houve interesse em promover o processo de pacificação para permitir que as companhias estrangeiras pudessem extrair petróleo com baixo risco, enquanto que as questões relacionadas à governança, à responsabilidade e à transparência foram negligenciadas. Argumenta-se que esses desafios foram menos uma questão de regras e regulamentos do que abordagens básicas, atitudes e relações de poder. É possível que estes atores-chave, em geral, não tenham conseguido mudar suas abordagens durante os anos de estabilização, com rarefeito progresso em questões relacionadas com o desenvolvimento humano, e a redução da pobreza e desigualdade. Ao invés de fomentar o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade civil viável e autônoma, os resultados têm demonstrado o esgotamento de um modelo de desenvolvimento que, se por um lado eficiente na pacificação falhou na promoção de oportunidades, governança e desenvolvimento sustentável. Por fim, concluímos que peculiaridades socioeconômicas e políticas adotadas em países em desenvolvimento, que emergem de conflitos graves, não devem ser vistas como fatores processuais e institucionais replicáveis de sociedades estabilizadas, é necessário elaborar uma melhor base de dados e um conjunto de ferramentas de análise com base nas condições peculiares dos países em desenvolvimento que emergem de diferentes formas de conflito com foco em mecanismos que promovam a boa governança, transparência e prestação de contas. Como considerações finais, para apoiar políticas de desenvolvimento sustentável em Timor-Leste e em países similares, destacamos a necessidade de relativizar a implementação de critérios considerados necessários para a boa governança, estabelecer uma hierarquia ao longo do tempo, em função das prioridades, em programas e projetos de desenvolvimento, que devem ser guiados pelas especificidades de contextos particulares. Esta pesquisa contribuiu para o debate sobre a influência das ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das Nações Unidas sobre questões relacionadas a governança, desenvolvimento sustentável e questões ambientais em países em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos configurando democracias não-consolidadas; Analisamos o caso de Timor Leste entre 1999 e 2012 com relação a questões socioeconômicas, desigualdade de gênero de renda e uma variedade de questões globais como mudanças climáticas e níveis de pobreza, com base nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio (ODM). A base teórica e metodológica deste estudo foi Melucci (1992). Entretanto, este estudo é "stakeholder-orientado",baseado em investigação interdisciplinar e transdisciplinar, em multi-nível com base em teorias de governança participativa e filosofia política, com foco na integração horizontal de processos de ordem política e ambiental, bem como questões de legitimidade, prestação de contas e sustentabilidade. com base na análise de fontes secundárias (texto, números, imagens, etc.) e de recolha de dados empíricos primárias no campo em Timor-Leste, em 2012, para a análise de políticas em diferentes contextos - um passo necessário devido à fragilidade e muitas vezes a falta de dados confiáveis e informações auditadas. Foram analisados ​documentos oficiais e relatórios-chaves baseados em resoluções da ONU, o Plano de Timor-Leste Desenvolvimento Nacional (PDN), os Relatórios sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio (ODM), Relatórios de Desenvolvimento Humano (HDR), Evolução do Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH), artigos científicos e vários relatórios técnicos divulgados por agências de desenvolvimento, como a ABD, FAO, PNUD e outros. Foi observado uma enorme discrepância entre a retórica e a prática relativa à participação atores-chave, bem como falhas visíveis na condução política em vários níveis. Os níveis de corrupção são elevados e permeia todas as áreas do governo. A impressão que se tem é que houve interesse em promover o processo de pacificação para permitir que as companhias petrolíferas pudessem extrair petróleo com baixo risco, enquanto que as questões relacionadas à governança, à responsabilidade e à transparência foram negligenciadas. Argumenta-se que esses desafios foram menos uma questão de regras e regulamentos do que abordagens básicas, atitudes e relações de poder. É possível que estes atores-chave, em geral, não tenham mudado sua abordagem durante os anos de estabilização; com pouco ou nenhum progresso em questões relacionadas com o desenvolvimento humano, a pobreza e a redução da desigualdade. Ao invés de fomentar o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade civil viável e autônoma, os resultados têm demonstrado o esgotamento de um modelo de desenvolvimento que, se por um lado eficiente na pacificação falhou na promoção de oportunidades, governança e desenvolvimento sustentável. Por fim, concluímos que peculiaridades socioeconômicas e políticas adotadas em países em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos graves não devem ser vistas como fatores processuais e institucionais replicáveis de sociedades estabilizadas, é necessário elaborar uma melhor base de dados e um conjunto de ferramentas de análise com base nas condições peculiares dos países em desenvolvimento que emergem de diferentes formas de conflito com foco em mecanismos que promovam a boa governança, transparência e prestação de contas. Como considerações finais, para apoiar políticas de desenvolvimento sustentável em Timor-Leste, destacamos a necessidade de relativizar a implementação de critérios considerados necessários para a boa governança, estabelecer uma hierarquia ao longo do tempo, em função das prioridades, em programas e projetos de desenvolvimento, que devem ser guiados pelas especificidades da contextos particulares.

The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs. The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change. Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society. In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.

This thesis begins with the hypothesis that the role of ideas in urban and global development is understudied and understated in comparison to studies that privilege economic and political analyses. The thesis generates two related models that seek to provide a comprehensive means of analyzing both the political economic constraints of development as well as the ideational limits that are overlooked by conventional models. The political economic model adapts constructivist principles to explain the structural limits on urban development that emerge from the contemporary global political economy. The second model draws on previous work done in the field of policy diffusion to posit four relational ways in which ideas are adapted and localized. The thesis argues that political economy analyses provide a comprehensive but mostly macro-level analysis and often fail to adequately understand individual thinking outside of the rational actor model. The ideational adaptation model corrects for this, providing a detailed micro-level analysis that is founded on the political economic framework. Together, the two models provide a comprehensive understanding of the ideational limits and political economic constraints at work in any given development scenario. In order to demonstrate the utility of the combined models (termed combined conceptual approach), the thesis applies the models to four different applications. Three examples are historical secondary source examples (educational philosophy, international business councils, and water sanitation) related to the history of Shanghai and China, and the impact of foreigners on their development vision, strategies, and practice. One application is a case study of Shanghai’s Expo 2010, which uses original data established through high-level interviews with Expo participants. The use of the combined conceptual approach shows how the interpersonal and inter-institutional adaptation and localization of ideas affect the way we understand the concept of legitimate best practice in urban development. The combined conceptual approach highlights the role that human thought, emotions, and psychology play in urban development. It links political economic activity to constructed bonds of trust, learning, the mentality of competition, and soft forms of coercive power (hegemonic ideas, leadership, and conditionality). Finally, the most important contribution of the combined conceptual approach is that it allows for an analysis of both the macro- and micro-levels of development in a relational and holistic fashion.

The aim of this work is to analyse the progress made by Turkey in human rights area and identify how important role of Islam there is. The work attempts to refute the idea that Muslim society is not possible to create a functioning legal system that takes sufficient account of the protection of human rights. Reforms of 20 and 30 years of the 21st century were used as theoretical basis. For the analysis of advances in the field of legislation was used Turkish Constitution as the basic document, which is the most important from the point of view of the European Union. A key part of this thesis is an analysis of current problems in the field of human rights and criticism of the international community, especially the European Union that Turkey must face. The work attempts to identify how important role is played by Islam in the issue.

L’augmentation des moyens relatifs aux droits de l’homme devant la Cour internationale de Justice pose la question de la forme juridique que prend leur application dans le cadre d’un contentieux de la responsabilité interétatique et généraliste. La procédure de la Cour, conçue en vue de la défense d’intérêts étatiques subjectifs, paraît impropre à tenir compte des relations juridiques complexes dans lesquelles s’établit la responsabilité de l’Etat pour violation des droits de l’homme « internationalement garantis », et se limitant aux rapports de responsabilité bilatéraux entre les Etats parties au différend. Pourtant, au lieu de penser les liens juridiques en cause en fonction des seuls Etats parties au litige et dans des termes d’extériorité de l’individu, la Cour raisonne dans une logique de corrélation. Des relations tripartites émergent entre l’Etat auteur de la violation, les autres Etats également créanciers et débiteurs des obligations, et l’individu titulaire de droits. Mais alors qu’elle est prête à préciser ces relations juridiques, voire à les conceptualiser, la Cour n’en dénature pas pour autant sa fonction juridictionnelle traditionnelle. L’individu est certes pris en compte dans l’engagement de la responsabilité entre Etats : il n’en reste pas moins marginalisé au stade de la mise en oeuvre proprement dite de la responsabilité, mise en oeuvre centrée sur l’Etat et définie par le droit international public. Cette conception particulière de la responsabilité de l’Etat pour violation des droits de l’homme souligne que celle-ci ne saurait être réduite à la relation entre l’individu et l’Etat, dont les autres Etats ne seraient au mieux que les garants désintéressés, mais qu’elle détermine aussi et directement les rapports entre Etats. / The increasing number of human rights based claims before the International Court of Justice raises the question of their implementation in the framework of generalist and interstate litigation. The procedure of the Court has been thought and conceived for the defense of subjective interests of States. Therefore, the Court seems unable to take into account the complex legal relationships in which lies State responsibility for “internationally guaranteed human rights” violations and its scope, limited to bilateral responsibility amongst State parties. But, instead of conceiving the legal connections in dispute as to the only State parties or as external to the individual, the Court endorses a correlation approach. Tripartite relations emerge between the State perpetrator of the human rights violation, other States which are equally creditor and bearer of the obligations infringed and the individual who holds the rights. However although the Court is ready to clarify or even conceptualize the legal relationships involved, it does not distort its traditional judicial function. While the individual is taken into account in the incurrence of State responsibility it is nevertheless marginalized in its implementation, which continues to be centered on the State and defined by public international law. This particular conception of State responsibility for human rights violations underlines that it cannot be reduced to the relation between the individual and the State, for which other selfless States would stand guarantor as the most, but that it also and directly determines interstate relations.

Security, economic and societal challenges of the 21 century place demands on international community and deepens the need to precisely define this term and its role in the global development as well as the legitimacy of international organization, which often place themselves as representatives of the entire global community. Conflict in Afghanistan and its reconstruction is a great case study of mechanisms, which allow the international community to assess security challenges, apply former experience to respond and prepare for future operations. There are many lessons that can be learned from the case of Afghanistan. This article addresses the successes and failures connected with Afghan reconstruction and stabilization efforts and its impacts on development of the country. The article stresses the negative consequences of the international involvement as well as the deepening dependence of Afghanistan on foreign assistance.

In a broader sense, this thesis examines the extent to which the international community decides on the application and shape of standard security templates in post-conflict environments. These standard templates are increasingly criticized for their inflexibility and inability to adapt to the actual conditions and needs on ground. In order to alleviate this criticism, as well as improve the success of these programs, the international community recently embraced the concept of national ownership. Whether it is a rhetorical concept and political tool and how its understanding differs between theory and reality are the main topics of this thesis. Specifically, the paper analyzes the concept of national ownership in the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants on the example of Sudan from 2003 until 2013. Sudanese DDR process has been defined as nationally owned, but nevertheless criticized for the blind following of international standards and overall inability to adapt to the context. The objective of the thesis was set out to establish what the interpretation of national ownership was in theory and compare it with the type of ownership that had taken place in practice. The main part of this study is the analysis of the control exercised by national and...

Le droit international classique volontaire basé sur la notion absolue de la souveraineté étatique est remis en cause par l’émergence des règles impératives (jus cogens). A cet égard, la cristallisation des droits humains impératifs est le résultat du processus d’humanisation du droit international moderne où les règles impératives des droits humains de rangs supérieurs se situent au sommet. On peut estimer que l’acceptation des droits humains impératifs créée des obligations erga omnes de protection pour les États membres de la communauté internationale. Dans ce cadre, dans le cas de violations des droits humains impératifs, tous les États sont directement affectés, touchés et lésés par les violations en question et ont le droit d’agir. A cet effet, il nous semble que tous les États peuvent adopter des contre-mesures individuelles à l’encontre de l’État fautif, violateur des droits humains impératifs. Dans le cas de violations des droits humains impératifs, il nous paraît aussi que, sous certaines conditions, les États peuvent recourir à une intervention militaire à but humanitaire, même sans l’avis favorable du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Aussi, selon certaines conditions, les États peuvent fournir une aide humanitaire aux victimes des violations des droits humains impératifs survenues à l’extérieur de leur territoire, même sans le consentement de l’État territorial. Les États sont aussi tenus de réprimer les crimes de jus cogens commis à l’extérieur de leur territoire. Dans ce contexte, il nous semble que les États en appliquant la règle aut dedere aut judicare, peuvent poursuivre les étrangers suspectés d’avoir commis des crimes de jus cogens. Dans ce cadre, les États doivent appliquer la règle aut dedere aut judicare en respectant l’obligation de non refoulement afin de prévenir les violations des droits humains impératifs à l’étranger. Il nous paraît aussi que les États en appliquant la règle aut dedere aut judicare, doivent prévoir la compétence universelle des juridictions internes. A cet égard, les États peuvent exercer la compétence universelle à l’encontre des crimes de jus cogens commis à l’étranger par l’étranger et sur l’étranger. Dans ce cadre, il nous semble que les États peuvent exercer la compétence universelle absolue. A cet effet, un État peut déclencher une poursuite pénale à l’encontre de l’étranger suspecté d’avoir commis des crimes de jus cogens, même si ce dernier n’est pas présent et/ou en détention sur le territoire de l’État du for. Il nous semble aussi que, l’immunité des hauts représentants d’État, ainsi que les lois d’amnistie étrangères, ne peuvent pas empêcher l’État du for d’exercer la compétence universelle afin de protéger les intérêts généraux de la communauté internationale dans son ensemble. / Traditional international law based on absolute notion of state sovereignty, is challenged by theemergence of peremptory norms Çus cogens). In this respect, the crystallization of peremptory humanrights norms is the result of the process of humanization of modern international law where theperemptory human rights norms of superior ranks place at the summit. We could believe that theacceptance of peremptory human rights norms creates erga omnes obligations of protection for States,members of the international community. In this context, in the case of violations of peremptoryhuman rights norms, all States are directly affected and injured by the violations in question and have the right to react. To this end, we believe that all States can adopt individual countermeasures against the wrongdoer state, violator of peremptory human rights norms. In the case of violations ofperemptory human rights norms, under certain conditions, States may resort to military interventionfor humanitarian purposes, even without the autholization of the United Nations Security Council.Also, under certain conditions, States can provide humanitarian aid to victims of violations ofperemptory human rights norms occurred outside their territory, even without the consent of theterritorial state. States are also required to suppress jus cogens crimes committed outside their territory. In this context, we believe that States can apply the principle of aut dedere aut judicare and prosecute aliens suspected of jus cogens crimes. In this context, States that apply the principle of aut dedere aut judicare, must respect the obligation of non-refoulement to prevent violations of peremptory human rights norms abroad. It seems to us that States that apply the principle of aut dedere aut judicare must also apply the principle of universal jurisdiction before their internal courts. In this regard, States can exercise universal jurisdiction againsl jus cogens crimes committed abroad, by foreigners and against foreigners. In this context, we believe that States may exercise the absolute universal jurisdiction. To this end, a State may initiate criminal proceedings against alien suspected of jus cogens crimes, even if helshe is not present and/or in custody in the territory ofthe forum State. It also seems to us that the immunity of senior state representatives and foreign amnesty laws, cannot prevent the forum State to exercise universal jurisdiction in order to protect the general interests of the international community as a whole.

La nature du rôle joué par les institutions militaires dans les États démocratiques se diffère de celui joué dans les États en développement et/ou en période de transition politique. Dans le premier cas, les institutions militaires ont un rôle professionnel qui consiste à protéger l'État contre toute agression extérieure. Alors qu'au cas second, l'institution militaire dépasse ses taches professionnelles jusqu'à l'intervention sur la scène politique via le pouvoir militaire direct ou indirect. Prenant en considération le fait que l'institution militaire dans la deuxième catégorie des pays, n'a pas toujours confiance en le régime démocratique, - souvent considéré comme une menace à la sécurité nationale-, l'exigence de la démocratie reste donc en report permanent. Le débat académique autour de la relation la démocratie et l'arrivée des militaires au pouvoir s'accroît depuis le déclenchement des révolutions du printemps arabe, bien que la question de la transition-même a été au centre des recherches politiques depuis la seconde moitié des années 60-70. Les peuples sont à la recherche des régimes démocratiques basés sur la loi, la citoyenneté le respect des libertés et des droits de l'homme et qui mènent des politiques de développement au profit des niveaux pauvres avant les autres riches. Cependant, un nouveau problème est apparu ; trouver une formule approprié pour la place de l'Armée dans les nouveaux régimes démocratiques. Comment contrôler le rôle croissant de l'institution militaire sans exposer l'État au danger de la division interne ni de l'agression venant de l'extérieur ? Cette recherche se focalise sur les relations civilo-militaires en Libye ainsi que le rôle de l'institution militaire dans les transitions politiques qu'a connues le pays depuis son indépendance, ainsi que les facteurs historique, économiques, géopolitiques et sociaux, qui ont parfumé ces relations par la particularité libyenne. De plus, depuis 2014, durant le dialogue national libyen entre les parties hostiles, la question de l'institution militaire a posé de réels obstacles devant un consensus national, parce que les partie étaient, et le sont toujours, divisé autour de l'article 8, concernant l'Armée dans le projet signé du consensus. Dans ce cadre, le problématique de l'étude tourne autour une interrogation générale ; dans quelle mesure l'institution militaire peut-elle permettre ou contribuer à une transition vers un régime démocratique basé sur le pluralisme et non le tribalisme ni l en Libye ? / The nature of the role played by military institutions in democratic states differs from that one played in developing States and / or those in times of political transition. In the first case, military institutions have a professional role of protecting the state against external aggression. Whereas in the second case, the military institution goes beyond its professional tasks until intervention on the political scene via direct or indirect military power. Taking into account the fact that the military institution in the second category of countries does not always trust the democratic regime, often considered as a threat to national security, the requirement of democracy therefore remains in permanent postponement. The academic debate on the relationship between democracy and the arrival of the military in power has increased since the start of the Arab Spring revolutions, although the question of transition itself has been at the center of political research since the the 1960s and 70s. People are seeking democratic regimes based on law, citizenship, respect for human rights and freedoms, and pursuing development policies to benefit the poor before the other rich. However, a new problem arose; How to find a suitable formula for the place of the Army in the new democratic regimes. How can we control the growing role of the military institution without exposing the State to the danger of internal division or aggression from outside? This research focuses on civil-military relations in Libya and the role of the military institution in the political transitions that the country has undergone since independence, as well as the historical, economic, geopolitical and social factors that have perfumed these relations by the Libyan peculiarity. Moreover, since 2014, during the Libyan national dialogue between hostile parties, the question of the military institution posed real obstacles to a national consensus, because the parties were, and still are, divided around the article 8, concerning the Army in the signed draft of the consensus. In this context, the problem of study revolves around a general question; to what extent can the military institution allow or contribute to a transition to a democratic regime based on pluralism and not tribalism or Libya ?