<p>The objective of the thesis is to make a stakeholder evaluation of the regularization process that in 2005 gave the right to irregular immigrants in Spain to apply for a legal status. I want to portray how different groups at the labour market experienced the process and identify the factors that contributed to the result. I further want to study if regularization can be seen as an effectual measurement for managing irregular immigration. The methods are qualitative interviews and text analysis combined with evaluation method. The main theories are Venturini’s and Levinson’s suggestions for a successful regularization. Other prominent theories are Soysal’s theory about citizenship, Jordan’s and Düvell’s and Castles theories about irregular immigration. The result shows that the main argument for carrying out the process was to improve the situation at the labour market. The most prominent factors that affected the outcome were the social consensus preceding the process and the prerequisite of having a job contract. The regularization of irregular immigrants had an overall positive outcome but the stringent prerequisites for being regularized together with problems with sanctions of employers probably had a somewhat negative outcome on the result of the regularization.<br /></p>

The objective of the thesis is to make a stakeholder evaluation of the regularization process that in 2005 gave the right to irregular immigrants in Spain to apply for a legal status. I want to portray how different groups at the labour market experienced the process and identify the factors that contributed to the result. I further want to study if regularization can be seen as an effectual measurement for managing irregular immigration. The methods are qualitative interviews and text analysis combined with evaluation method. The main theories are Venturini’s and Levinson’s suggestions for a successful regularization. Other prominent theories are Soysal’s theory about citizenship, Jordan’s and Düvell’s and Castles theories about irregular immigration. The result shows that the main argument for carrying out the process was to improve the situation at the labour market. The most prominent factors that affected the outcome were the social consensus preceding the process and the prerequisite of having a job contract. The regularization of irregular immigrants had an overall positive outcome but the stringent prerequisites for being regularized together with problems with sanctions of employers probably had a somewhat negative outcome on the result of the regularization.<br />

This dissertation examines how we construct security threats. Theoretically, it contributes to the literature on securitization and threat construction, which has hitherto overlooked how influential bureaucracies that – in contrast to the police and the military – have little to gain from widened threat perceptions, may still contribute to threat construction. The dissertation studies the European Commission and the issue of irregular immigration. By using frame analysis, it firstly explores what constructions of irregular immigration that the Commission generates and to what extent these contribute to threat construction. Using the Bourdieusian concepts of field, capital and habitus, it secondly analyzes how certain constructions of irregular immigration are authorized at the expense of others, due to the inner bureaucratic logic of the Commission. The empirical result reveals that the Commission mostly defines irregular immigrants as victims, yet simultaneously favors policy solutions that mainly seek to avert immigration. The Commission thus contributes to threat construction primarily through its policy solutions. Studying the inner logic of the Commission field highlights how informal routines and tacit power relations between Commission departments authorize certain frames over others. Importantly, the analysis shows how the naming of irregular immigrants as victims tends not to cost the officials anything in terms of symbolic capital, whereas the suggesting of less restrictive solutions tends to do so. Definitions and policy solutions thus follow different bureaucratic logics, which enables a mismatch between them. Moreover, the threat construction appears not because Commission officials believe that restrictive measures are the only way to solve problems linked to irregular immigration. On the contrary, officials believe that a multitude of solutions are needed. Instead, the threat construction is an unintended consequence of the logic of the field.

This dissertation examines how we construct security threats. Theoretically, it contributes to the literature on securitization and threat construction, which has hitherto overlooked how influential bureaucracies that – in contrast to the police and the military – have little to gain from widened threat perceptions, may still contribute to threat construction. The dissertation studies the European Commission and the issue of irregular immigration. By using frame analysis, it firstly explores what constructions of irregular immigration that the Commission generates and to what extent these contribute to threat construction. Using the Bourdieusian concepts of field, capital and habitus, it secondly analyzes how certain constructions of irregular immigration are authorized at the expense of others, due to the inner bureaucratic logic of the Commission. The empirical result reveals that the Commission mostly defines irregular immigrants as victims, yet simultaneously favors policy solutions that mainly seek to avert immigration. The Commission thus contributes to threat construction primarily through its policy solutions. Studying the inner logic of the Commission field highlights how informal routines and tacit power relations between Commission departments authorize certain frames over others. Importantly, the analysis shows how the naming of irregular immigrants as victims tends not to cost the officials anything in terms of symbolic capital, whereas the suggesting of less restrictive solutions tends to do so. Definitions and policy solutions thus follow different bureaucratic logics, which enables a mismatch between them. Moreover, the threat construction appears not because Commission officials believe that restrictive measures are the only way to solve problems linked to irregular immigration. On the contrary, officials believe that a multitude of solutions are needed. Instead, the threat construction is an unintended consequence of the logic of the field. / <p>Författaren är verksam både vid Statsvetenskapliga institutionen på Stockholms universitet och vid Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen på Försvarshögskolan.</p>

Why does the European Union focus on controlling irregular immigration at the external border? The emphasis presents a paradox as most irregular migrants in the EU arrive through legal channels and subsequently overstay or violate the conditions of their visa. In order to explore this paradox, the thesis examines two case studies, Malta and Cyprus. As small island states on the Union’s southern periphery, the two are ostensibly unable to resist the transfer of migration controls and asylum responsibility to the EU’s external borders. Yet, employing nonmaterial power, namely by highlighting the perceived migration pressures they are under, the two states have successfully attracted significant financial and practical support from other member states. In doing so, they have influenced policymaking within EU migration governance, but have ultimately reinforced the emphasis on controlling irregular immigration at the external border by portraying the phenomenon as a crisis. This thesis not only sheds light on the interaction between the EU and the two states under investigation, but combines three levels of analysis – the regional, national, and local. The crisis narrative detrimentally affects the migrant and refugee populations as it encourages the adoption of restrictive and deterrent measures rather than ensuring access to rights and long-term integration. Nevertheless, this population is not without agency. It is their individual decisions to move across national borders without state authorisation that in the aggregate both compels states into dialogue about the issue and provides the basis for the dynamic between the EU and these two member states.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-30T12:58:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseLyraDireito.pdf: 1654427 bytes, checksum: 3047d01c56cb7b75374d48890bc9b304 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-30T12:58:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseLyraDireito.pdf: 1654427 bytes, checksum: 3047d01c56cb7b75374d48890bc9b304 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-08 / Nenhuma / Do exame do contexto mundial na questão da imigração, as evidências sugerem que os imigrantes irregulares, sujeitos de grupos étnicos minoritários, estão sendo objeto de um discurso criminalizador na legislação e na política governamental, nos debates públicos e sociais. Há uma tendência crescente de catalogar os imigrantes irregulares como não cidadãos, isto é, os desconhecidos e sem documentos não somente não são queridos, senão também perigosos. Da análise do tratamento dispensado pelo legislador europeu à imigração econômica, sobressai que as fronteiras, na modernidade, são cada vez mais permeáveis ao capitalismo global, ao turismo de massa, à revolução das comunicações e à aparição de formas de governo supranacionais. Entretanto, a maioria das nações industriais e democráticas tem procurado restringir o acesso aos não cidadãos. Também se constatou que o discurso criminalizador da imigração, depois do atentado terrorista de 11 de setembro, nos Estados Unidos, ganhou importante reforço: a legislação antiterrorista, caracterizando especialmente o imigrante como o suspeito de atos terroristas. Assiste-se ao triunfo de uma política e de práticas destinadas à criminalização dos imigrantes, pendendo a uma criminalização racista, já que a cidadania dos países ricos é requisito indispensável para o tratamento como ser humano. / By examining the global context on the immigration issue, the evidence suggests that illegal immigrants, coming from ethnic minority groups, have become the subject of a criminalizing speech in legislation and government policies, in public and social debates. There has been a growing tendency to label illegal immigrants as non-citizens, which means, the unknown and undocumented ones are not only not wanted, but also dangerous. From the analysis of the treatment provided by the European legislator to economic immigration, it stands that the borders, in modernity, are increasingly susceptible to global capitalism, mass tourism, communication revolution and the emergence of supranational forms of government. However, most industrial and democratic nations have sought to restrict access to non-citizens. It was also observed that the criminalizing immigration speech, after the terrorist attack of September 11, in the United States, gained significant enhancement: the antiterrorist legislation, featuring especially the immigrant as a suspect of terrorist acts. We are witnessing the triumph of a policy and practice for the criminalization of immigrants, pending to racist criminality, since the citizenship of wealthy countries is an indispensable requirement for treatment as a human being.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:22:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Lopes Fernandes Dugnani.pdf: 25551145 bytes, checksum: d7b4b2969762cdfb0d64c76ea0a9335a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The great amount of immigrants and the several attempts to legislate on immigration in the United Kingdom arouse controversies and involve several social sectors. Those sectors are given voice on the BBC News online news, which produces news not only to inform but also to unveil its own opinions and position. This aspect assures BBC&#8223;s influential role on society. Taking this into account, our goal is to understand the ideological position underlying BBC News online news towards irregular immigration in the United Kingdom. The criteria adopted for the corpus selection were: the news about irregular immigration in the United Kingdom had to be published from 12th April to 6th May of 2010 and signed by a journalist; the material forwarded by the anchors available on the news was to be related to irregular immigration, and the other selected content had to work as non-verbal element to the news selected by the first aforementioned criterion. Those criteria were established in order to relate the selected utterances to BBC&#8223;s editorial policies and to the electoral process for the new British parliament when irregular immigration issue acquired great importance and to assure that the said and the unsaid on the news could be properly understood. This way we collected five pieces of news published from 12th April to 6th May of 2010, which led us to four source documents, one blog post and one piece of news. Futhermore, the said and unsaid on the five selected news was materialized on three pieces of news and one BBC News transcript of the British parties&#8223; leader debate. In order to achieve the objective of this research, we adopted the Bakhtinian dialogic approach, sharing with Bakhtin and The circle their language conception and, more specifically, the concepts of Speech genre, Non-verbal, Other speakers&#8223; speech, and Ideology. The corpus specifity made us adopt the NURC/ SP oral language transcription method, some links and hypertext classifications and a conception that enabled the analysis of the corpus&#8223; verbal-visual dimension. For the corpus analysis, we followed the Bakhtinian methodological order of describing, analyzing, and interpreting, taking in consideration the wider and the more specific social contexts and the genre and linguistic materiality of every piece of news. The analysis result pointed to a xenophobic conservative political position and indifference towards human rights / A grande quantidade de imigrantes e as diversas tentativas de legislar sobre a imigração no Reino Unido geram controvérsias que envolvem vários segmentos da sociedade. Esses segmentos ganham voz nas news da BBC News online, ou seja, nos informativos e opinativos que os utilizam não apenas para informar, mas também para desvelar suas próprias opiniões e posições. Isso faz com que o papel exercido pela BBC tenha grande influência na sociedade. Levando isso em consideração, objetivamos compreender quais são os posicionamentos ideológicos presentes nas matérias da BBC News online sobre a imigração irregular existente no Reino Unido. Definimos como critérios de seleção do corpus que as news fossem assinadas, tratassem da questão da imigração irregular no Reino Unido e tivessem sido veiculadas no período compreendido entre 12 de abril e 6 de maio de 2010; que o material a que fomos remetidos pelas âncoras disponíveis nas news se relacionassem à imigração irregular; e que o restante do conteúdo coletado funcionasse como elemento extraverbal para as news selecionadas. Tais critérios foram estabelecidos para relacionar os enunciados selecionados às políticas editoriais da BBC e ao processo eleitoral para a escolha do novo parlamento britânico esse foi um momento em que a questão da imigração irregular adquiriu grande relevância , e para garantir que os ditos e não-ditos pudessem ser compreendidos adequadamente. Dessa forma, chegamos a cinco news publicadas entre 12 de abril e 6 de maio de 2010, que nos remeteram a quatro documentos-fonte, uma postagem em blog e uma news. Além disso, os não-ditos dessas cinco news materializaram-se em três outras news e em uma transcrição da BBC News do último debate dos líderes dos partidos britânicos. Para atingir o objetivo traçado, adotamos a abordagem dialógica bakhtiniana, compartilhando de Bakhtin e do Círculo a concepção de linguagem e, mais especificamente, os conceitos de Gênero do discurso , Extralinguístico/Extraverbal , Discurso de outrem e Ideologia . A especificidade do corpus nos conduziu ainda à adoção do método de transcrição da linguagem oral do NURC/SP, e ainda à adoção tanto de algumas classificações de links e de hipertextos, como de uma noção que permitisse a análise da dimensão verbo-visual de nosso objeto. Para a análise, seguimos a ordem metodológica bakhtiniana de descrever, analisar e interpretar, contemplando o contexto social mais amplo e o mais imediato, o gênero e a materialidade linguística de cada news. Os resultados apontaram para uma posição política conservadora de nacionalismo xenófobo e indiferente aos direitos humanos

Visa-liberalisation agreements are commonly used as an incentive by the EU to encourage cooperation within the realm of border and migration management with its neighbouring countries. The ultimate aim of these agreements is to reduce irregular migration to Schengen territory, something that has been percieved as an increasingly urgent issue for European policy makers in the wake of the 2015 'migration crisis'. However, the use of visa liberalisation agreements in such a fashion appears contradictory considering that most irregular migrants in the EU most likely are visa-overstayers. This essay takes of in this apparent puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. While the construction of the migrant as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, differences in securitisation between grups of irregular migrants are often left out of the discussion or only implicitly mentioned. By examining the discourse and practices of a central EU agency in regard to border and migration management, FRONTEX, this thesis shows that visa-overstayers are routinely left out of the securitised discussion on irregular migration, thus rendering EU policies asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of 'illegal entry'. However, the thesis also uncovers a more conplex set of ideas that show that although visa-overstayers are not conceptulised as threats to security in discourse on par with other categories of irregular migrants, visa-goers and other travellers are, too, incresingly subjected to a rationale of survaillance and risk.