The preoccupation of Islamic thinkers with the formation of moral subjects (themselves and others) motivated their deployments of different conceptual frameworks to satisfy paradigmatic moral requirements. These intellectual pursuits are portrayed as technologies involved in “caring for the self,” that is, in forming the subject/agent of the broader community. Reconstructing historical debates that draw on the works of a selection of Islamic authors, mainly between the 10th and 13th centuries CE, this dissertation addresses the related paradigmatic features of various forms of Islamic leadership (e.g. ulū al-amr, mujtahid, ahl al-ḥall, imām, and quṭb). The Qurʾānic world of interconnected meanings related to amr (authority, command, matter…) and those vested with it assumes a concern for the morality, if not outright infallibility, and the intellectual merit of a leader. Through an analysis of types of authorship and terms of discourse, ḥadīth literature on verse 4:59 from the Shīʿī tradition sheds light on the rise of various Sunnī strategies addressing the question of infallible juristic leadership (taṣwīb al-mujtahid). Another case of leadership appears in the Ṣūfī mystical strand of Sunnī thought, where the spiritual leader, or quṭb, may be seen as analogous to the Shīʿī Imām in terms of moral excellence and presence-in-absence (ghaybah). My analyses of these distinct features and forms of leadership culminate with a case study on the Mahdī in modernity, an anticipated savior figure at the crossroads of Sunnī, Shīʿī and Ṣūfī thought, in which the adapting of earlier lines of reasoning exhibits strategies for the purpose of subject-formation. Each of these case studies demonstrates not only that the interpretive frameworks of Islamic thinkers were invested in moral subject-formation but also that a holistic reading of such thought can identify their authorial activity itself as one form among the different forms of leadership that revolve around subject-formation.

Though relatively unknown to non-specialists, Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī is a fundamental member of the community of Muslims who founded Islamic Philosophy. In his tenth-century work, On the Perfect State, al-Fārābī tackles questions of eminent importance to society of Muslims still deciding who they were. These questions and their inevitable solutions were, for a time, a source of much turmoil for the young Ummah; and we argue that the Perfect State should be read as an effort to take part in, even to lead, the conversation that would decide how these questions were answered. A school of thought championed by Richard Walzer argues that the most important thing to know about al-Fārābī is that he repeated in Arabic many things already said better in Greek by the ancients. According to this school of thought, al-Fārābī’s main intention was to transmit specifically Greek learning to posterity, not to participate in the world of Islam and Muslims. It is our contention that this view is mistaken and misleading. Through an examination of tenth-century Islamic history, a close reading of al-Fārābī’s work in Arabic, and a thorough discussion of the mistakes made by the Walzerian school of thought, we will show that al-Fārābī used philosophy as a tool for solving problems particular to the Muslim community of his age. / Religion

In his tenth-century work, al-Madīnah al-Fāḍilah, the Muslim philosopher Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī posits a solution to the internecine hostilities between Muslim intellectual communities which occurred as a result of conflicting positions on the relationship between revelation and reason, religion and philosophy. In this work al-Fārābī demonstrates that both religion and philosophy are derived from, and dependent upon, divine revelation from Allah to the Prophet. Modern scholars of al-Fārābī interpret his work differently, reading him as an enemy of religion who subordinates Islam to philosophy. In this thesis, after establishing al-Fārābī within the historical and ideological context of tenth-century Islamic thought I analyze al-Madīnah al-Fāḍilah in light of a commentary on the text by Richard Walzer, who is among those scholars who read al-Fārābī as an enemy of Islam who merely reproduces Greek philosophy in Arabic. Contrasting the original Arabic text with Walzer’s English translation and commentary I apply readings of several of al-Fārābī’s other works as an interpretive lens, through which the correct reading of al-Madīnah al-Fāḍilah is made clear. I further analyze the text in light of Islamic Scripture, by which I demonstrate that the foundation on which al-Fārābī’s cosmology is founded has precedence within the Qur’ān. Working in the tenth century al-Fārābī sought to reconcile the conflicting views of his fellow Muslims, in order to bring peace to the community, the Muslim Ummah. Al-Madīnah al-Fāḍilah should be regarded as his crowning achievement in these efforts. / Religion

Ces deux volumes présentent les résultats de recherches doctorales dans le domaine de la philosophie illuminationiste (ishrâqî). Le premier volume contient lédition cri-tique du Kitâb al-rumûz wa-l-amthâl al-lâhûtiyya fî l-anwâr al-mujarradat al-Malakûtiyya (Le livre des symboles et des paraboles divines à propos des lumières immatérielles du Malakût), un traité de noétique composé au XIIIème siècle AD par al-Shahrazûrî al-Ishrâqî. Ce premier volume comporte également une description et une tentative de classification des manuscrits ayant servi à létablissement de la stemma. Le second et présent volume offre une brève introduction à la vie et luvre de lauteur ainsi quune analyse détaillée déléments tant internes quexternes visant à confirmer lattribution de ce traité à al-Shahrazûrî, à soutenir lhypothèse de sa dimension illu-minationiste, objet de ces recherches, et à tenter de proposer une fourchette de da-tes pour la composition de cet ouvrage. La seconde partie de ce volume consiste en la première traduction annotée de ce traité en une langue occidentale, à savoir le français. These two volumes present the results of doctoral researches in the field of illumi-nationist (ishrâqî) philosophy. The first volume displays the critical edition of the Kitâb al-rumûz wa-l-amthâl al-lâhûtiyya fî l-anwâr al-mujarradat al-Malakûtiyya (the Book of the divine symbols and parables about the immaterial lights of the Malakût), a noetical treatise composed in the XIIIth century AD by al-Shahrazûrî al-Ishrâqî. This first volume also contains a description and an attempt of classification of the manuscripts used for the establishment of the stemma. The second and present vol-ume offers a brief introduction to the life and work of the author as well as a de-tailed analysis of internal and external elements aiming to confirm the attribution of this treatise to al-Shahrazûrî, to support the hypothesis of its illuminationist dimen-sion, subject of these researches, and to tempt to propose a range of dates for the composition of this work. The second part of this volume consist in the first anno-tated translation of this treatise in a Western language, i.e. French.

“Making Falsafa in Modern Egypt” is an intellectual and institutional history of a phenomenon in colonial-national Egypt known to participants and observers as the “Islamic philosophy revival.” At the helm of this “revival” was an intellectually and politically diverse group of local scholars—shaykhs trained at Cairo’s venerable al-Azhar mosque-university as well as philosophers and Arabists with doctorates from the Sorbonne and Cambridge—united by a commitment to rehabilitating the legacies of Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Ibn Rushd (Averroes), and other classical masters of the philosophical discipline known in Arabic as falsafa. My dissertation excavates the archive of this little-studied Egyptian revivalist movement to offer a situated intellectual history of the production, diffusion, reading, and uses of the Arabo-Islamic philosophical tradition in modern global thought. In so doing, I begin to address the neglected yet consequential question of how and to what end scholars in the Arabic-speaking regions of the Muslim world studied, taught, interpreted, and otherwise engaged their philosophical heritage in the modern era. In tracing the efforts of prominent twentieth-century Egyptian philosophers to reconstitute classical falsafa for modern thought and education, I rely on their published scholarship, conference presentations, personal papers, and articles on politics and education as well as archival records from the institutions where they worked and studied. I show that these scholars (re)made their philosophical tradition into a privileged subject and means of reform, taking its revival to be an essential precondition for Arabs’ modern becoming. By writing revisionary histories and building new archives of falsafa, they redefined its disciplinary bounds and canon as understood in Islamic and European scholarly traditions while also presenting novel genealogies of science, reason, and humanism that provincialized Western philosophy and configured its Islamic counterpart as an alternative universalism. As widely-read international scholars who studied and taught at universities across the Middle East and Europe, meanwhile, they played a crucial role in establishing “Islamic philosophy” as an object of international academic inquiry and a “world tradition.” Whereas the modern reconstruction of the Arabo-Islamic philosophical tradition is generally represented as a project internal to Orientalism driven by Europeans, my dissertation recasts this major hermeneutic enterprise as a chapter in the intellectual history of Islam and the Arab world. By tracing the meaning and making of falsafa in colonial-national Egypt through the works of its local revivers, I begin to document the formative role of colonized Arab and Muslim scholars in the global historical processes, networks, and debates that made their philosophical heritage into one of the most widely-studied thought traditions in the contemporary era.

Islamic Philosophy seems essentially to be a response to the challenge that reached the Muslim world from Greek thought. Various conflicts arose in early Islam from time to time with respect to certain principles in different sects and everyone adapted whatever new form seemed to be conducive to his thought. The conflict between the Muctazilite tradition influenced by rationalism and Ashcarite tradition dominated by 'faith' was virtually set at naught by the chief of the Ashcarites, Abū-Ḥāmid Muḥammad al-Ghazālī (1058-1111 A.D.), who found the culmination of tradition in mystical awareness. From the time of al-Ashcarī down to that of al-Ghazālī the Arabs assimilated the fundamentals of Hellenism, and Greek culture caused a vigorous philosophical renaissance represented by Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī (died A.D. 950) and Abū-cAlī al-Husayn ibn-cAbd-Allāh ibn-Sīnā (A.D. 980-1037). Under the influence of their philosophical thought theology was shaken once more when confronted by the ideas of the Muctazila. Facts and phenomena had no ultimate significance beyond what they presented in experience. Men who were concerned with the refinements of philosophical speculations and the intricacies of metaphysical abstractions were greatly needed to work to the support of the dogmas of Islam and to nullify the conclusions of a philosophy inconsistent with it. When this colossal task appeared to be imperative, the Muslim world found their leader in al-Ghazālī who was capable of withstanding Hellenism and attacking its representatives. In addition to his being a philosopher who wished to counteract the unorthodox tendencies of his hellenising predecessors, al-Ghazālī was an eminent mystic, sufi and original thinker. In the Muslim world he was the great bridge between traditionalism and mysticism, activism and intuitionism. From the days of his youth he possessed an intense thirst for knowledge which persuaded him to study every form of philosophy and religion and to question all whom he met with regard to the nature and significance of their belief. He discussed problems of understanding, value of knowledge, learning, instruction, efficiency and duty. The ruthless iconoclasm practised by al-Ghazālī in destroying the revered images of Greek Philosophy which then held sway over the mind of many Muslims and his efforts to bring about a reconciliation between mysticism and orthodoxy crowned him with the title of Ḥujjat al-Islam.

A partir du milieu du 17ème siècle, dans une Europe déchirée par les conflits religieux, et alors que les philosophes commencent à redéfinir les principes de la religion, de la politique et de la morale, l’on découvre le monde musulman à travers les récits de voyage et les travaux des orientalistes. Tandis que les Anglais se penchent sur la question de la prophétie de Mahomet et les Français sur celle de son action politique et sur la littérature orientale, les Allemands se distinguent par leur intérêt pour la philosophie des musulmans. C’est le projet, d’inspiration leibnizienne, d’écrire une histoire universelle de la philosophie, qui amène le pasteur allemand Jacob Brucker à accorder une place non négligeable de son Historia critica philosophiae au traité De philosophia Saracenorum, dont l’écho en France n’est autre que le célèbre article Sarrasins de Diderot. Nous avons étudié la philosophie islamique dans la pensée du 18ème siècle à travers ce traité, en comparant les informations de Brucker avec celles de ses contemporains, et en tenant compte du combat des Lumières. De même, analysant les correspondances entre plusieurs chapitres de Brucker et quelques articles de Diderot, nous avons essayé de déterminer la dette de ce dernier envers le pasteur d’Augsbourg. / Beginning in the mid-17th century, when Europe was torn apart by religious conflicts and philosophers began to redefine the principles of religion, policy, and morals, one discovered the Muslim world through travel accounts and works of Eastern scholars. Whereas the English focused on the question of Muhammad's prophecy and the French on his political action and on Eastern literature, the Germans concentrated on the philosophy of the Muslims. It was the Leibnizian-inspired project of writing a universal history of philosophy which led the German pastor Jacob Brucker to dedicate a significant place in his Historia critica philosophiae to his treatise De philosophia saracenorum, whose echo in France is Diderot's celebrated Sarrasins. I have studied Islamic philosophy in 18th century thinking through J. Brucker's treatise, comparing it with that of his contemporaries, and taking into account the intellectual climate of the time and the "combat des Lumières." Similarly, by analyzing the associations between several chapters of Brucker's Historia critica and some articles by Diderot on Islamic philosophy, I have attempted to determine how much the authors of the Encyclopedia are indebted to the work of the pastor of Augsburg.

Maïmonide (m. 601/1204) est resté sans doute une figure majeure du judaïsme rabbinique. Mais, sa connaissance de la philosophie fit de lui une référence indispensable dans la pensée philosophico-religieuse juive, chrétienne et musulmane. Son œuvre, riche et variée, témoigne de la jonction harmonieuse, dans un même esprit, d'une religiosité profonde, telle qu'elle s'exprime dans ses traités juridiques et théologiques, et d'une curiosité philosophique et métaphysique qui se révèle dans son œuvre Le Guide des égarés. La présente étude consiste à analyser les origines de la doctrine de la prophétie chez Maïmonide en puisant dans un premier temps, dans ses propres sources, pour les comparer dans un second temps aux références textuelles des philosophes musulmans tels que Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā et Ibn Bāğğa. Le chapitre I a pour objet la définition de la prophétie chez Maïmonide. Le chapitre II porte sur le rôle de l'imagination dans la prophétie. Le chapitre III est consacrée aux significations politiques de la prophétie. / Maimonides (d. 601/1204) is universally recognized as a leading rabbinic authority in Judaism. His eminence as a philosopher made him an indispensable source in Jewish, Christian and Islamic philosophical and religious thought. The present study aims to analyze the origins of the doctrine of prophecy in Maimonides' philosophy by studying, first, the original sources and then to compare them with the works completed by Muslim philosophers, most notably, Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā and Ibn Bāğğa. Chapter I addresses Maimonides' definition of prophecy. Chapter II examines the role of imagination in the prophecy. Chapter III is devoted to the political implications of prophecy.

Cette recherche se propose d’examiner les racines de l’éthique philosophique chez Ostad Elahi (1895-1974) et la place de ce penseur dans la tradition de l’éthique iranienne et gréco-islamique. Celle-ci comprend, aux côtés de l’éthique philosophique, deux autres courants à savoir l’éthique religieuse et l’éthique mystique/spirituelle. En partant de la division classique qui, dans la philosophie antique, établit le couple theôria/praxis introduit dans la philosophie islamique, nous verrons quels sont, pour Ostad Elahi, les fondements théoriques sur lesquels il fonde son approche de l’âme et bâtit son éthique. De ce socle dérive alors l’articulation de la pratique éthique et spirituelle, une pratique aux effets thérapeutiques qu’il définit comme une « nouvelle médecine » de l’âme. À partir de ce matériau, le fils d’Ostad Elahi, Bahram Elahi (né en 1931), docteur en médecine, va développer cette approche galénique et proposer un schéma du soi qui rapproche les éléments issus de la tradition des apports de la modernité. / This research examines the roots of philosophical ethics in the works and teaching of Ostad Elahi (1895-1974), placing his contributions in the wider comparative context of earlier Greek, Zoroastrian and Islamic traditions of philosophical ethics. Beginning with the classical philosophical distinction of theȏria and praxis, we move on to outline the theoretical foundations of Ostad Elahi’s vision of the soul and ethics. There the metaphysical and spiritual backdrop of Ostad Elahi’s “theory” are complemented by a comprehensive course of ethical and spiritual practice designed to have transformative influences on the soul’s spiritual perfection, an approach which Ostad Elahi refers to as a “new medicine” of the soul. Starting from this teaching, Ostad Elahi’s son, the physician Bahram Elahi (b. 1931), has elaborated on these traditional conceptions for contemporary audiences, proposing a conception of the self where earlier philosophical and spiritual elements are expressed within the perspectives and language of modern science.

Orientador: Francisco Benjamin de Souza Netto / Tese não autorizada para disponibilização na Internet / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-01T15:19:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_ RosalieHelenaDeSouza_D.pdf: 3595627 bytes, checksum: b670287f49cf2c8c70f66e7ffb3307df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Nossa tese apresenta um ângulo da leitura aristotélica que, no Comentário sobre A República, Averróis faz dessa obra de Platão. Nessa leitura evidencia-se a transformação do filósofo-rei platônico no phrónimos aristotélico. Nossa interpretação se baseia na versão latina dessa obra de Averróis, realizada no século XV por Elia del Medigo. No Livro II desse tratado, há uma passagem em que é dito que o soberano deve ser "sábio segundo a ciência prática e, com isso, ter o mérito da virtude cogitativa". Distinguem-se, nessa frase, a ética de Aristóteles como ciência prática e a virtude cogitativa (phrónesis), essencial para o desempenho virtuoso do soberano. Isso corrobora o que Averróis afirma no Comentário Médio à Ética Nicomaquéia: "a prudência e a arte de governar as cidades são um único campo de investigação (subiecto)". Desse modo, a arte de governar tem dois lados, o teórico e o prático, ou seja, a ética e a política. Depois de apresentarmos a primeira parte, essencial para a contextualização histórica da obra, nossa análise se debruça sobre um estudo da "virtude cogitativa" e a identifica com a prudência ou sabedoria prática, a phrónesis aristotélica. Em razão da metodologia adotada por Averróis e das críticas que ele tece à sociedade de seu tempo, esse tratado configura-se mais como uma obra original que propriamente um comentário nos moldes tradicionais de seus comentários à obra de Aristóteles / Abstract: Our thesis presents a view of the Aristotelic reading which in the Comentary on the Republic Averroes forms of this work by Plato. In this reading the transformation of the Platonic philosopherking into the Aristotelian phrónimos becomes evident. Our interpretation is based on the Latin version of this work by Averroes, accomplished in the XVth century by Elia del Medigo. In Book II of this treatise, there is a passage in which he says that the sovereign should be "wise according to practical science, and with this, have the merit of cogitative virtue". We note, in this phrase, Aristotle¿s ethics as practical science and the cogitative virtue (phrónesis) which is essential for the sovereign¿s virtuous fulfillment. This corroborates what Averroes affirms in the Middle Commentary on Aristotle¿s Nicomachea that "prudence and the art of governing cities are a unique area of investigation (subiecto)". Thus, the art of governing has two sides, the theoretical and the practical, or, the ethical and the political. After presenting the first part, essential for the historical contextualization of the work, our analysis covers the study of "cogitative virtue", and identifies it with prudence or practical knowledge, the Aristotelian phrónesis. By reason of the methodology adopted by Averroes, and of the crititiques that he makes about the society of his time, this treatise is shaped more like an original work than a commentary on the traditional examples of his commentaries on Aristotelic works / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia