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The aim of this study is to establish a comparative perspective of the Church ofSweden and Finn Church Aid (FCA) as development actors. The research willconcentrate on the study of the similarities and differences of their methods andapproaches. As case studies I will focus on the principles of the EAPPI program andLabeling the Origins campaigns. Methodologically, I shall study the interrelatednessof the practices and methods of specific actors with values and ethical positions and,especially, concentrate on the discussions dealing with discourses ofcosmopolitanism, Christian ethics and their overlaps. Narratives are used tocomplement discursive analysis. The theoretical framework consists of variouscosmopolitan theories that are applied to analyze the ideological aspects of the faith-based organization’s methods. The ethical aspects are presented from differentperspectives to create an understanding of the diversity of how cosmopolitanism canbe comprehended in relation to Christianity. The comparative perspective has createdan understanding of how networks are formed and how the same themes are presentin different organizations but guided by different discursive formations. This alsopoints towards the understanding that the perspective of networks is more significantthan countries or actors.

This research focuses on the Israeli town of Sderot and the rocket attacks it experienced since 2001. Sderot is a unique case study because it represents a group of individuals in a democratic country that lived with terrorism for almost a decade before the state took major defensive action. The situation in Sderot is one which has lacked attention in the media and in Political Science research. By analyzing the level of attention by multiple actors to the crisis in Sderot, the reasons for the perpetual insecurity of its population are discussed. The crisis is analyzed on four main levels: the experience of individuals in Sderot, the response of the Israeli government, Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and the role of the United Nations. The preliminary chapter examines the impact of living with rocket fire while exploring methods by which Sderot residents have engaged in activism to improve their quality of life. The following chapter discusses Israeli national defense policy and examines where Sderot has ranked on the State's list of priorities. The third chapter consists of two main sections: an analysis of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, an explanation of Barnas' rise to power in Gaza. The latter section consists of an exploration of the politics surrounding the United Nation's level of attention to the crisis in Sderot. As one transitions from the individual level of analysis to the state level, the voices of Sderot residents become much quieter, and the realities of a state that is constantly attacked from beyond its borders can be understood. By analyzing the past failings of peace negotiations between Israeli and Palestinian leaders, lessons for future attempts at negotiations are discussed, and the ever-present link between peace and security is emphasized. Overall, the realities of daily life in a state which pursues a policy of security over diplomacy are illuminated.

Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens). / It is easy to speak of peace, but much more difficult to evaluate to what extent one’s actions really contribute to it. This master’s thesis seeks to critically contextualize the emergence of the Israeli nation from 1881 to 1948 and highlight certain Jewish pacifist forces, religious and secular, zionist and anti-zionist, which this society has generated or compelled into being from the end of the XIXth century until today. First, four strategies used to build the Jewish state are explored: the practical path (setting up moshavot, kibbutzim and moshavim), the diplomatic path (Herzl and Weizmann’s lobbying), the sociopolitical path (establishing unions, the Jewish Agency and the Va’ad Leumi) and finally the military path (setting up paramilitary organizations such as Hagana, Irgun, Lehi and Palmach). This exploration allows the researcher to better frame the issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Palestinian and Israeli nations. Secondly, the notion of peace camp is investigated using a combined conceptual and empirical approach. The conceptual inquiry questions the criteria used by some scholars to determine whether an organization contributes or not to peacebuilding. The empirical inquiry examines two peace camps: the Ashkenazi secular left (a pacifism that emerged in the 1970s) and the religious Haredim (a pacifism opposed to the zionist ideology from the start). This overview highlights the fact that any belief system can incite war as well as peace. The conclusion discusses the challenges of intercivilizational dialogue, challenges that are both intranational (social harmony between Ashkenazim, Mizrachim, Russian, Ethiopian, etc. Israeli Jews) and international (peace between Palestinians and Israelis).

A news story is built up by certain indicators that tell the reader where and at what time the story takes place, who participates in it, and of course, what has happened. Most of them also contain a complicated action, that changes the normal condition into a new one, as well as an outlook on the possible consequences the incident might have led to. The way a story is told, what is said and what is being left out, could have an effect on our thoughts, attitudes and opinions. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a subject that is extensively covered by the media with varying content of information. It developed into yet another war in the summer of 2014, and two of Sweden’s biggest newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, published hundreds of articles from the ongoing events in the Middle East. A total of 40 of these articles have been analyzed in this study. By using a method of narrative analysis which reveal the indicators first mentioned in this abstract, the author has been able to see the differences and similarities between the newspapers’ articles from the war. The differences in the way the events are told could have an effect people’s opinon and attitudes towards the opposite sides of the conflict.

Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens). / It is easy to speak of peace, but much more difficult to evaluate to what extent one’s actions really contribute to it. This master’s thesis seeks to critically contextualize the emergence of the Israeli nation from 1881 to 1948 and highlight certain Jewish pacifist forces, religious and secular, zionist and anti-zionist, which this society has generated or compelled into being from the end of the XIXth century until today. First, four strategies used to build the Jewish state are explored: the practical path (setting up moshavot, kibbutzim and moshavim), the diplomatic path (Herzl and Weizmann’s lobbying), the sociopolitical path (establishing unions, the Jewish Agency and the Va’ad Leumi) and finally the military path (setting up paramilitary organizations such as Hagana, Irgun, Lehi and Palmach). This exploration allows the researcher to better frame the issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Palestinian and Israeli nations. Secondly, the notion of peace camp is investigated using a combined conceptual and empirical approach. The conceptual inquiry questions the criteria used by some scholars to determine whether an organization contributes or not to peacebuilding. The empirical inquiry examines two peace camps: the Ashkenazi secular left (a pacifism that emerged in the 1970s) and the religious Haredim (a pacifism opposed to the zionist ideology from the start). This overview highlights the fact that any belief system can incite war as well as peace. The conclusion discusses the challenges of intercivilizational dialogue, challenges that are both intranational (social harmony between Ashkenazim, Mizrachim, Russian, Ethiopian, etc. Israeli Jews) and international (peace between Palestinians and Israelis).

The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.

This diploma thesis applies the theoretical concept of Europeanization on a research of the Czech foreign policy and its changes in relation to the presidency of the EU Council. As a case study, it analyses different Czech and EU's positions towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and then by comparison of both levels it determines the misfit between Czech and the EU's policies in the mentioned agenda. From historical point of view and from contemporary perspective as well, the Czech Republic is famous for very pro-Israeli attitudes. On the other hand, the EU is significantly focused on supporting of the Palestinians and building the Palestinian state. The research is divided into three periods: before the Czech Presidency of the EU in the years 2004-2008, during the Czech Presidency and then after the presidency until the end of 2010. The aim of the research is to evaluate changes of the misfit between the Czech domestic attitudes and the EU's positions by the example of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict's issues and then to find out whether the Czech foreign policy has been europeanized during the studied period. The main question of the thesis asks whether the Presidency of the EU Council has an impact on longer-term Europeanization of domestic foreign policy. The thesis has proved that the...