Este trabalho analisa a criação e manutenção dos espaços de diálogo não oficial entre as sociedades israelense e palestina após o fracasso do Processo de Paz de Oslo. Sendo que a atuação da sociedade civil foi considerada fator fundamental para o início das negociações na década de 1990, a pesquisa investiga como a falência das conversas oficiais afetou o movimento pela paz. Em particular, foca nos desafios enfrentados por organizações da sociedade civil - OSCs, que promovem diálogo em vistas à resolução do conflito e nas estratégias que usam para lidar com eles. Os resultados apresentados são produto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, conduzida durante dez semanas em Israel e na Cisjordânia, com oito organizações locais. Os desafios levantados pela pesquisa são: 1) senso de desesperança de que o conflito ainda possa ser resolvido leva a um alcance mínimo de pessoas pelo movimento pela paz; 2) barreiras físicas e psicossociais tornam escassos os espaços compartilhados e os indivíduos mais resistentes ao diálogo; 3) debate sobre antinormalização na sociedade palestina vê diálogo como normalização e ativistas pela paz como \"agentes do inimigo\"; 4) pressão a OSCs e ativistas pela paz em Israel por meio de leis e propostas de leis, desacreditando-os e rotulando-os como \"agentes estrangeiros\", trabalhando por interesses contrários aos do Estado. Diante das dificuldades, conclui-se que o papel do diálogo não oficial é marginal e praticamente irrelevante para a retomada de negociações. No entanto, as estratégias usadas pelas OSCs mostram que o diálogo possui enorme potencial diante do atual impasse político, como espaço derradeiro em que as sociedades podem se encontrar e estabelecer relações de confiança, tolerância e respeito mútuo, primordiais para qualquer processo de paz. / The present study analyzes the creation and maintenance of spaces for unofficial dialogue between Israeli and Palestinian societies after the failure of the Oslo Peace Process. Civil society was considered a key factor in starting negotiations in the 1990s. From that, the research investigates how the crash of official talks affected the peace movement. In particular, it focuses on the challenges faced by civil society organizations - CSOs, promoting dialogue in order to solve the conflict and the strategies they use to deal with them. The findings are the result of a qualitative research conducted over 10 weeks in Israel and the West Bank with eight local organizations. The main challenges pointed by the research are: 1) a sense of hopelessness that the conflict can still be solved leads to a minimum reach of people by the peace movement; 2) physical and psychosocial barriers make shared spaces scarce and individuals more resistant to dialogue; 3) the anti-normalization debate in Palestinian society sees dialogue as normalization and peace activists as \"agents of the enemy\"; 4) pressure on CSOs and peace activists in Israel through laws and bills, delegitimizing them and labeling them as \"foreign agents\", working for interests contrary to the State. In the face of difficulties, it is concluded that the role of unofficial dialogue is marginal and practically irrelevant for the resumption of negotiations. However, the strategies used by the CSOs shows that dialogue has enormous potential in the face of the current political impasse, as the ultimate space in which societies can meet and establish relationships of trust, tolerance and mutual respect, which are paramount to any peace process.

Este trabalho se propõe analisar as memórias contidas no livro comemorativo Vanguarda Pedagógica: o legado do Ginásio Israelita Brasileiro Scholem Aleichem (2008) organizado a partir da iniciativa do Grupo Memória Scholem composto por ex-alunos dessa instituição durante a década de 1970. Temos como objetivo central entender as estratégias de seleção e os sentidos da comemoração da memória dessa escola judaica contida nos arquivos e no livro da instituição. Também inserimos o livro no conjunto de comemorações das escolas renovadas da década de 1960, tendo em vista que existiram outras instituições coetâneas que reclamam para si o estatuto de Vanguarda Pedagógica mobilizado por esses grupos para comemorar a renovação pedagógica na atualidade. Desta forma, podemos entender como um objeto comemorativo produzido por ex-participantes de experiências da chamada renovação pedagógica pode propiciar um debate nas relações entre memória e a história da educação. / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and analyze the memories contained in the commemorative book Vanguarda Pedagógica: o legado do Ginásio Israelita Brasileiro Scholem Aleichem (Pedagogical vanguard: the legacy of the Brazilian-Israeli Scholem Aleichem High School, 2008), organized by Scholem Memory Group (this group consists of former students who have studied in Scholem in the 1970s). The main objective of this study is to understand the strategies of choice of historical documents and testimonies about Scholem, as well as the intention of this celebration. The book is also included in the set of celebrations of renovated schools (so-called schools which, in the 60s, proclaimed himself the status of pedagogical vanguard). Such celebrations were mobilized by these groups to commemorate the pedagogical renewal nowadays. Thus, we can understand how a commemorative event produced by former participants of the pedagogical renewal experience and the processes by which meanings are attached to the past can provide a debate on relations between memory and the history of education.

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.

Ce travail de thèse se présente comme une relecture du conflit israélo-arabe depuis ses origines (Palestine ottomane) à travers une analyse des transformations militaires mises en oeuvre par les acteurs, parties au conflit. Ces transformations sont motivées par des effets de rivalités mimétiques. Au fil des affrontements, chaque adversaire adapte son système de défense en fonction de celui de son ennemi et inversement. Ainsi, sur le temps long du conflit on peut repérer des formes de continuité entre les différents acteurs armés en dépit des différences idéologiques et des circonstances historico-politiques. Ces transformations, parce qu’elles visent le plus souvent à re-symétriser le différentiel de puissance avec l’adversaire, privilégient les stratégies alternatives ou dissymétriques. Elles impliquent des innovations qui touchent l’ensemble de la société, suggérant l’existence de mécanismes guerriers travaillant les sociétés dans la guerre et pour la guerre. De ces mécanismes découle le caractère hautement polémique des sociétés de la région et la survivance en leur sein de différentes formes de combattants irréguliers. A partir de ces formes on peut proposer une typologie des figures contemporaines du partisan, de l’Etat islamique aux groupes armés palestiniens et libanais, en passant par la question de la violence des colons religieux-nationalistes des Territoires occupés. Cette pluralité de figures de la guerre du partisan moderne fournit des clés pour analyser les évolutions des formes de violence dans la région (crises en chaîne, délitement des Etats-nations, soulèvements révolutionnaires, etc.). / This thesis consists in a re-reading of the Arab-Israeli conflict since its origins (in the Ottoman Palestine) through an analysis of the military transformations conducted by actors involved in this conflict. These changes are driven by mimetic rivalries processes. Over the clashes, each opponent adapts its defense system according to his enemy’s one and vice versa. Thus, forms of continuity between the different armed groups are perceptible on the long-time conflict in spite of the ideological differences and historical-political circumstances. These Transformations favor alternative or di-symmetrical strategies, because they aim mostly to symmetrically re-balance the differential of power with the opponent. They involve innovations impacting the whole society, suggesting the existence of war mechanisms which affect societies for and through the war. The highly polemic nature of the region’s societies ensues from these mechanisms as well as the survival of different forms of irregular combatants within them. Based on these forms, it could be proposed a typology of the partisan’s contemporary figures, including the Islamic State, the Palestinian and Lebanese armed groups, as well as the issue of the religious-nationalist settlers’ violence in the Palestinian Occupied Territories. This plurality of the modern partisan warfare patterns provides tools for analyzing the evolutions of violence forms in the region (chain crisis, disintegration of nation states, revolutionary uprisings, etc.).

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

This project presents a three-level analysis of Persepolis and Waltz with Bashir to elucidate the way these films deconstruct the image of the Middle East that the dominant Western media perpetuate. The thesis demonstrates that the combination of highly expressive and easily understandable animated form with an autobiographical storyline that endows the films with attractive authenticity, personification and intimacy, creates a palatable setting for the intellectual texts. Further, this project discloses the ways representation gives rise to stereotypes and illustrates how the films articulate an alternative to the dichotomous perception of West versus Middle East. The movies impersonate a unique, subjective insight into the past, emphasizing that history is an ongoing, non-linear process that depends on where and who is narrating it, and to whom. Understanding that public memory is shaped by media content, the thesis asserts the necessity for more cultural texts that deconstruct the norm and eliminate bias. / by Kristyna Dzmuranova. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Este projeto de pesquisa propõe-se a analisar a presença da mídia na obra Partes Humanas, da israelense Orly Castel-Bloom. A escritora traz à luz Israel com um cenário apocalíptico, em que cada ser humano só tem olhos para si e vive, em meio a uma atmosfera de caos, a luta por sua sobrevivência. O pânico diário e a insatisfação crônica são as marcas registradas dos diferentes seres humanos que, por extensão, moldam e são moldados pelo cenário fragmentado, nebuloso e trágico em que vivem no país. Nessa obra pós-sionista, os meios de comunicação assumem um papel primordial, pois não se restringem a ser um reflexo dessa sociedade, mas procuram influenciá-la com o que transmitem. Pobreza, violência, guerra e sofrimento estão presentes nas pautas dos meios de comunicação de forma quase cinematográfica. Assim, a mídia contribui para espetacularizar a vida humana. / This research project aims to examine the role of the media in the book Human Parts, of the Israeli Orly Castel-Bloom. The writer describes Israel in an apocalyptic scenary, in which each person thinks only of themselves. The people live in a chaotic atmosphere, fighting for their survival. The existential panic and the chronic dissatisfaction are present in different characters who, by extension, influence and are influenced by the fragmented, murky and tragic context, in which they live. In this post-Zionist book, the media has a primordial role, not only is it a mirror of the society, but it is also influenced by what is heard and seen in it. Poverty, violence, war, suffering: everything is present in their lives and in the media as if it were in a movie. In this way, the media contributes to sensationalize human life.

The presented diploma thesis named "Formation of Israeli National Identity in Poems of Nathan Alterman" aims to present its reader from an interdisciplinary perspective of scientific discipline of Anthropology of Literature, way by which was the poetic text used in the process of forming of the Israeli National Identity. That is demonstrated on the chosen case study of two poems of Nathan Alterman (1910-1970): Silver Plate and About This. Alterman, one of the most known poets of Israeli War of Independence, published these poems in his regular newspaper platform Seventh Column in leading left oriented journal Davar. First of the poems was written still in the pre-state period in the year 1947 and expressed a severe critics to a Zionistic perception of the expected war which was about to burst out with the upcoming end of the British Mandate on Palestine and division of the territory into an Arabic and Jewish state. Second poem was published almost exactly a year after the first one and criticizes war behaviour of the Israeli army to local Arab inhabitants. Both these poems foreshadowed Alterman's way of his relation to the ruling establishment and not only him but of all his generation of authors, which with their literary texts expressed criticism towards the state apparatus, but legitimized it at...

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.

This investigation is concerned with determining what influence, if any, results from the dependence upon foreign sources of petroleum by the United States, France, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. The influence that petroleum plays upon the changing attitudes of these four nations towards Israel and the Arab nations is ascertained by the utilization of primary and secondary sources. The study analyzes all the resolutions that have been adopted by the United Nations Security Council in the years between 1948 and 1976 dealing specifically with the Arab-Israeli conflict. Other chapters analyze each of the four nations to which attention is being directed. This study concludes that the growing and continuing dependence upon Arab oil has influenced the foreign policies the four nations have assumed toward the Arab-Israeli conflict.