Este trabalho analisa a criação e manutenção dos espaços de diálogo não oficial entre as sociedades israelense e palestina após o fracasso do Processo de Paz de Oslo. Sendo que a atuação da sociedade civil foi considerada fator fundamental para o início das negociações na década de 1990, a pesquisa investiga como a falência das conversas oficiais afetou o movimento pela paz. Em particular, foca nos desafios enfrentados por organizações da sociedade civil - OSCs, que promovem diálogo em vistas à resolução do conflito e nas estratégias que usam para lidar com eles. Os resultados apresentados são produto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, conduzida durante dez semanas em Israel e na Cisjordânia, com oito organizações locais. Os desafios levantados pela pesquisa são: 1) senso de desesperança de que o conflito ainda possa ser resolvido leva a um alcance mínimo de pessoas pelo movimento pela paz; 2) barreiras físicas e psicossociais tornam escassos os espaços compartilhados e os indivíduos mais resistentes ao diálogo; 3) debate sobre antinormalização na sociedade palestina vê diálogo como normalização e ativistas pela paz como \"agentes do inimigo\"; 4) pressão a OSCs e ativistas pela paz em Israel por meio de leis e propostas de leis, desacreditando-os e rotulando-os como \"agentes estrangeiros\", trabalhando por interesses contrários aos do Estado. Diante das dificuldades, conclui-se que o papel do diálogo não oficial é marginal e praticamente irrelevante para a retomada de negociações. No entanto, as estratégias usadas pelas OSCs mostram que o diálogo possui enorme potencial diante do atual impasse político, como espaço derradeiro em que as sociedades podem se encontrar e estabelecer relações de confiança, tolerância e respeito mútuo, primordiais para qualquer processo de paz. / The present study analyzes the creation and maintenance of spaces for unofficial dialogue between Israeli and Palestinian societies after the failure of the Oslo Peace Process. Civil society was considered a key factor in starting negotiations in the 1990s. From that, the research investigates how the crash of official talks affected the peace movement. In particular, it focuses on the challenges faced by civil society organizations - CSOs, promoting dialogue in order to solve the conflict and the strategies they use to deal with them. The findings are the result of a qualitative research conducted over 10 weeks in Israel and the West Bank with eight local organizations. The main challenges pointed by the research are: 1) a sense of hopelessness that the conflict can still be solved leads to a minimum reach of people by the peace movement; 2) physical and psychosocial barriers make shared spaces scarce and individuals more resistant to dialogue; 3) the anti-normalization debate in Palestinian society sees dialogue as normalization and peace activists as \"agents of the enemy\"; 4) pressure on CSOs and peace activists in Israel through laws and bills, delegitimizing them and labeling them as \"foreign agents\", working for interests contrary to the State. In the face of difficulties, it is concluded that the role of unofficial dialogue is marginal and practically irrelevant for the resumption of negotiations. However, the strategies used by the CSOs shows that dialogue has enormous potential in the face of the current political impasse, as the ultimate space in which societies can meet and establish relationships of trust, tolerance and mutual respect, which are paramount to any peace process.

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

The thesis examines the practice of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) from the period of its establishment until the death of Arafat. Palestinian elite formation from the late Ottoman period until the establishment of the PA was assessed in order to identify the elites that came into power in the PA and the political cultures they came to espouse. The two primary elite groups’ (Outsider elites and Insider counter-elites) conflicting political cultures were assessed in how they influenced the decision making process, the construction, and exhibited institutional behaviour of the PA. With the signing of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (Oslo Accords) on the 13th of September, 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Government of Israel it established the Palestinian Authority as the government in transition for the Palestinians. The agreements conferred the governing power and leadership role to the PLO Outsider elites (under Arafat). Due to the secret nature and asymmetrical power relation by which the negotiations and agreements were conducted and signed between the PLO Outsider leadership and the Government of Israel, which excluded inputs from Palestinian Insider elites, the culminating PA structure came to exhibit institutional weakness with certain neo-patrimonial behaviour. The political framework by which the Oslo Accords constructed the PA and influenced by international actors warranted institutional-weakness. Moreover, as external actors’ demands for the PA to deal with the declining Peace Process, and address political and security issues increased, PA corruption behaviour became more apparent and proliferated which became indicative of its fundamental problem in that it lacked statehood, lacked authority and legitimacy, and thus resorted to neo-patrimonial and repressive methods to govern. This neo-patrimonial political culture of Arafat and his governing Outsider elites used corruption as a PA political tool for survival thus suppressing a nascent democratic political culture of the Insiders and consequently led to an institutionalisation of corruption in the PA.

The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.

This dissertation poses a set of six questions about one of the Israel Lobby’s particular components, a Potential Christian Jewish coalition (PCJc) within American politics that advocates for Israeli sovereignty over “Judea and Samaria” (“the West Bank”). The study addresses: the profiles of the individuals of the PCJc; its policy positions, the issues that have divided it, and what has prevented, and continues to prevent, the coalition from being absorbed into one or more of the more formally organized components of the Israel Lobby; the resources and methods this coalition has used to attempt to influence U.S. policy on (a) the Middle East, and (b) the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular; the successes or failures of this coalition’s advocacy and why it has not organized; and what this case reveals about interest group politics and social movements in the United States. This dissertation follows the descriptive-analytic case-study tradition that comprises a detailed analysis of a specific interest group and one policy issue, which conforms to my interest in the potential Christian Jewish coalition that supports a Jewish Judea and Samaria. I have employed participant observation, interviewing, content analysis and documentary research. The findings suggest: The PCJc consists of Christian Zionists and mostly Jews of the center religious denominations. Orthodox Jewish traditions of separation from Christians inhibit like-minded Christians and Jews from organizing. The PCJc opposes an Arab state in Judea and Samaria, and is not absorbed into more formally organized interest groups that support that policy. The PCJc’s resources consist of support and funding from conservatives. Methods include use of education, debates and media. Members of the PCJc are successful because they persist in their support for a Jewish Judea and Samaria and meet through other organizations around Judeo-Christian values. The PCJc is deterred from advocacy and organization by a mobilization of bias from a subgovernment in Washington, D.C. comprising Congress, the Executive branch and lobby organizations. The study’s results raise questions about interest group politics in America and the degree to which the U.S. political system is pluralistic, suggesting that executive power constrains the agenda to “safe” positions it favors.

Les traductions en français de la littérature israélienne ont nettement augmenté au cours des dernières décennies. Ce phénomène s'inscrit dans le cadre général de l'augmentation des échanges littéraires internationaux mais tient également à des raisons politiques, commerciales ou culturelles. Notre étude recense les œuvres de fiction en prose traduites en français entre 2000 et 2012 et établit des statistiques sur leur nombre, les auteurs les plus traduits, les maisons d’édition et les traducteurs impliqués dans cette importation. Elle précise le rôle des principaux acteurs de cette exportation/ importation : institutions  gouvernementales israéliennes et françaises, agents littéraires, éditeurs et traducteurs et en analyse les enjeux politiques, économiques et culturels. Notre étude tente enfin de cerner la nature de la réception de ces œuvres dans les médias et le grand public. Nos conclusions s’appuient d’une part sur un large corpus d’œuvres littéraires israéliennes et d’articles de presse et d’autre part sur des entretiens ou réponses écrites d’écrivains, agents littéraires, éditeurs, traducteurs, directeurs de bibliothèques et lecteurs. Elles soulignent non seulement un changement quantitatif de cette réception de la littérature israélienne en France mais aussi une évolution en termes de choix de traduction qui tiennent à l’évolution de la littérature israélienne elle-Même et à la volonté de quelques personnes fortement impliquées dans cette exportation / importation. Si l’approche des médias français reste aujourd’hui, quoique dans une moindre mesure, orientée politiquement, le public de lecteurs est principalement sensible à ses qualités littéraires. / There are been a significant increase in French translations of Israeli literature in recent decades. This phenomenon fits into the general framework of increased international literary exchange, but also due to political, commercial or cultural reasons. Our study identifies the works of prose fiction of Israeli literature translated into French between 2000 and 2012, and provides statistical data on the number of translations to Hebrew, on the most translated authors and on the publishers and translators involved in the import into France.It clarifies the role of the main actors involved in such export / import: Israeli and French governmental institutions, literary agents, editors and translators, and it analyses for each of them the importance of political, cultural and commercial issues.Lastly, our study attempts to understand how these works were accepted into France by the media and by the general public.Our conclusions are based on the one hand on a broad corpus of Israeli literary works and press articles and on the other hand on interviews or written responses of writers, literary agents, editors, translators, library directors and readers. They highlight not only a quantitative change in the acceptance of Israeli literature in France, but also a change in terms of choice of translation that reflect evolution of Israeli literature itself and the individual will of a few people much involved in such export / import. If the approach of the French media remains today, although to a lesser extent, politically oriented, the public of readers is primarily sensitive to its literary qualities

This research seeks to understand the reasons for failures of Bill Clinton, Yasser Arafat, and Ehud Barak's Camp David Summit that was held in July, 2000. The Summit was arranged to complete the last phase of Oslo Peace Process. Numerous researches have attempted to reveal the facts of the summit but, so far, they have failed to present the complete details of what happened before, during, and after the summit. This research explores all aspects of the problem including the various variables that would have had effected the breakdown of the Middle East peace process. Finally, the researcher determines the parameters needed to maintain a substantial peace in the Middle East and what proposed strategies might be followed in order to avoid the previous mistakes in future peace negotiations.

This essay examined how bilingual peace education can promote peaceful behaviours and social integration among otherwise segregated Arab- Israelis and Jewish- Israelis. By using The School for Peace at Neve Shalom/ Wahat al-Salam as a case study, accompanied with Jürgen Habermas theory of communicative action and New institutionalism with a conflict critical approach, we observed the behavioural mechanisms of institutions and social interactions. The empiric data consisted of three interviews conducted by author Nava Sonnenschein from the book The Power of Dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians. The interviewed students from The School for Peace had experienced both conventional education and bilingual peace education in adulthood. We found that informal values and narratives in educational institution influence the behaviours of its students. We also found that interactions between Arab- Israelisand Jewish- Israelis in the context of bilingual peace education promoted recognition of commonalities. While conventional education generally formed hostile behaviours and segregating incitements, the bilingual peace education gave opportunities for interactions and acknowledgement of both ethnic groups; consequently, leading to self-reflection, mutual understanding, peaceful behaviours and social integration.

The diploma thesis deals with coverage of the Great March of Return event in selected Czech online media (Aktuálně.cz, Echo24, Haló noviny, iDNES, iRozhlas, Lidovky, Novinky.cz). Demonstrations erupted in early March of 2018, with the goal of returning Palestinians to their historical territories of Israel. The theoretical part of this thesis deals with concept of framing and also expands on the often neglected visual framing. It then covers role of war photography in the media, addresses crisis of photojournalism and provides historical and political context of the Great March of Return. The research part uses concept of framing and aims to analyze way in which Czech online media interpreted researched Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For a more comprehensive insight into this issue, thesis deals with both verbal and textual content, which is examined at the same time or compared with each other. For the possibility of testing different perspectives, diploma thesis uses both quantitative and qualitative framing methods.

This thesis focuses on the Israeli detective genre. The Israeli detective genre is quite new in Israeli literature, not many works of the detective genre exist in Israel before 1980's, and even today, the detective genre is not so widespread in Israel. The thesis introduces four authors who represent the period from the beginnings of Israeli detective fiction until today. Batya Gur and Shulamit Lapid were chosen as representatives of the older period, Jair Lapid and Dror Mishani for the 21st century. The works chosen for the analysis are those which are parts of the detective series. Another criterion is the detective has to operate in Israel. The aim of the thesis is to outline the development of the detective novel in Israeli based on the example of selected works of these significant authors. In the opening, the thesis shortly presents a detective novel as a literary genre and also, as a literary genre in Israel. The main body of the thesis consists of four chapters on the authors and their approach to the detective genre while investigating several aspects. Firstly, it focuses on the characters who appear in the chosen novels as a detectives, criminals, and other characters. Secondly, the thesis concentrates on the background of the crime and investigation; where and under which circumstances...