[pt] O ponto central das preocupações analíticas desta dissertação trata-se de observar variáveis na esfera doméstica de Israel capazes de restringirem suas decisões na arena externa, no âmbito das negociações de paz com a Organização para a Libertação da Palestina. Sendo assim, a avaliação da estrutura política desse país permite verificar que a fórmula de representação proporcional e o modo pelo qual interagem o Executivo e o Legislativo podem afetar questões nessa área. Ademais, o exame dos distintos posicionamentos dos governos de Ytzhak Rabin e Shimon Peres, e de Benjamin Netanyahu, no que concerne à segurança de Israel, revela a polarização entre os favoráveis a um Estado de Israel, seguindo as demarcações das fronteiras internacionalmente aceitas, como garantia à segurança e à democracia israelenses, e os defensores da extensão da soberania a regiões que correspondem à Terra de Israel (o histórico lar nacional judaico). Essa discussão reflete a polêmica sobre os territórios ocupados por aquele país em decorrência da Guerra dos Seis Dias em 1967 e, nesse sentido, vale considerar em que medida os diferentes padrões de comportamento desses governos, fundamentados em uma cultura política, delinearam as escolhas para a área externa e para a segurança de Israel. / [en] The focus of analysis in this dissertation is to observe those variables within Israel that can restrict the decisions on the external field, in the context of the peace negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization. In this light, the evaluation of the Israeli political structure indicates that proportional representation and the interaction between the executive and the legislative can affect its foreign policy. Besides, an examination of the different positions on Israel s security taken by the governments of Ytzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres and that of Benjamin Netanyahu reveals a polarization between those favorable to the State of Israel following the demarcations of internationally accepted frontiers as a guarantee of its security and democracy and the defenders of extending sovereignty over the places corresponding to the Land of Israel (the historical Jewish homeland). This discussion reflects the controversy about the territories occupied by that country as a result of the Six Day War in 1967 and, in this sense, it was also considered to what extent the different standards of behavior of those governments, founded on a certain political culture, underscored the choices on Israel s foreign policy and its security.

This dissertation focuses on the ‘theo-political’ core of US Christian Zionism and Jewish Religious Zionism. The political militancy characterizing two Millenarian/Messianic movements such as Christian Zionism and Jewish Religious Zionism constitutes a still under-researched and under-theorized aspect that, at present, is paramount to address for its immediate and long terms implications in the highly sensitive and volatile Israeli-Palestinian issue, in the US and Israeli domestic domain, and in the wider international community. Although processes of the ‘sacralisation of politics’ and ‘politicisation of religions’ have already manifested themselves in countless forms over past centuries, Christian Zionism and Jewish Religious Zionism are unprecedented phenomena given their unique hybridized nature, political prominence and outreach, mobilizing appeal amongst believers, organizationalcommunicational skills and degree of institutionalization. / Consortium for Peace Studies at Calgary University

Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel¿s development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel¿s power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study¿s conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts. / British Council/Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Fonds québecois de recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC).

The justification of war is a central issue in international relations, and the characteristic political response to war is to adopt a story that offers a degree of explanation. Narratives play a central role in garnering public support for wars to be seen as legitimate. Soft power, which includes sociocultural factors such as the state's image, credibility, shared values, and moral authority, also plays a crucial role. In the digital age, with the rise of social media, diplomacy has transformed and become a primary source of news with unparalleled global reach. Consequently, digital diplomacy has become essential for states to communicate their policy objectives directly to their audience through compelling social media narratives, especially during times of war. There have been few studies examining the relationship between soft power, digital diplomacy, and strategic narratives during wartime. This study uses visual narrative analysis (VNA) to address this gap by analysing eight video tweets published by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) during the Israeli-Hamas war from October 7, 2023, and the six months after. The results show that the Israeli MFA used strategic narratives to legitimise the war. Notably, they used visual representations to emphasise Israel’s right to self-defence and its proximity to Western ideals, to garner support. Strategic narratives provide a storytelling which invoke the past to illuminate the present and future and create a shared identity in the context of the Israel-Hamas War.

In 1969, Richard M. Nixon became the thirty-seventh President of the United States. He brought with him an aggressive foreign policy aimed at retarding the escalating Cold War and ending America's war with Vietnam. In his inaugural address, he exclaimed that under his leadership the United States was going to enter an era of negotiation, leaving the age of confrontation behind. Determined to create a structure of peace around the world, Nixon and his administration fashioned a policy to reflect their goals. This study seeks to understand why the Nixon administration allowed the Middle East to fall into the peripheries of their foreign policy. A conflict as devastating as the October War was certainly the kind of incident Nixon and his advisors wished to avoid. Between the years of 1969 and 1973, they worked tirelessly in the Middle East and around the globe to secure a more hospitable international climate; so why, despite their efforts, did the Arab-Israeli conflict spiral so devastatingly out of control?

The Arab-Israeli conflict is examined from its religious aspect, presenting people's experience of religion without passing judgement. Selected concepts are compared and contrasted and interpreted hermeneutically. The roots of the antagonism are traced back historically, showing that it comprises more than a claim to the same geographical territory. Each religion's notion of statehood is described. Internally Jewish-Zionist friction over the ceding of territory arises through divergent interpretations of the same texts; Islam, Nationalism and religious rivalry, being at variance, have engendered Arab tensions. Their respective doctrines on war and peace suggest, broadly speaking, a Jewish-Zionist leaning to shalom, and Islam-Arab Nationalism to jihad (struggle). While the religious perspective does leave an opening for a solution to the conflict, pragmatism may lead to compromise. Finally the suggestion is made that the religious dimension is necessary for a holistic understanding of political issues / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

En géographie, les représentations permettent d’analyser la façon dont les individus appréhendent le monde, ou une partie du monde, à partir d’espaces expérimentés ou envisagés à travers leur dimension idéelle. Dans cette perspective, cette thèse traite de la question des représentations du conflit israélo-palestinien vu de France. Il s’agit de s’intéresser à un territoire complexe, morcelé, cadre d’un conflit territorial et d’examiner la façon dont les représentations de cet espace, obtenues par une expérience indirecte, peuvent être abordées. Ce travail s’appuie sur l’analyse du discours des médias –intermédiaires essentiels dans la construction des représentations – à travers notamment le traitement par la presse écrite de la conférence d’Annapolis (novembre 2007). Ce travail se base également sur une enquête par questionnaires menée auprès d’une population d’étudiants afin de déterminer leur perception du conflit par l’utilisation de la cartographiementale. Les résultats mettent à jour un certain nombre de représentations collectives qui s’apparentent alors à des déformations partagées. En dépassant le simple constat du niveau de connaissances, cette étude met en évidence la façon dont les individus appréhendent un territoire, objet d’une médiatisation importante, de représentations contradictoires, soumis ainsi à de multiples déformations. Cette approche du conflit israélo-palestinien par le biaisdes représentations constitue une échelle d’analyse originale dans l’appréhension de la construction des rapports de l’individu au monde. / In geography, representations allow an analysis of the way people represent the world, or a part of it, from experienced spaces to those apprehended only through their ideational dimensions. From this perspective, this PhD deals with the issue of representations of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at it is perceived in France. The purpose is to consider here acomplex and fragmented territory, which is the context of a territorial conflict and to consider how representations of this territory – provided by an indirect environmental experience - can be apprehended. This study is based on the analysis of media discourses – key link in the construction of representations – particularly through the coverage of the Annapolis conference by the press (November 2007). This study is also based on a questionnaires survey conducted among a population of undergraduates in order to specify their perception of the conflict, in particular through the use of mental maps. The results reveal a number of collective representations, which are then rather similar to shared distortions. Beyond the observation of the level of knowledge, this study highlights the way people apprehend a territory, subject to significant media coverage, to contradictory representations and thus submitted to several distortions. This approach of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict trough representations constitutes an original scale of analysis of the construction of the relationship of the individual to the world.

Arabic as a minority language in Israel The objective of this diploma thesis is the analysis of the status of arabic as a minority language within the specific circumstances of the arabic-hebrew contact in Israel. In this context the language carries symbolic values that participate in forming identity of the native Arabic speakers. Their language is constantely exposed to the influence of hebrew and this study investigates this influence practically. The theoretical part provides the sociolinguistic foundation of the research and characterise the locus of the study. The core of the practical part is the analysis of tha data obtained during the field research in the Israeli city of Tira.

Cette thèse traite la question des frontières terrestres du Liban selon les règles et la jurisprudence du droit international public. Elle retrace la composition du bloc territorial libanais en se référent aux archives des Etats mandataires au Levant, la France et l’Angleterre, pour comprendre le choix et la répartition entre les Etats des frontières actuelles. Cette étude passe ensuite à analyser la spécificité juridique de chaque tronçon de la frontière libanaise et à étudier les règles de droit international qui lui sont applicables. En effet, la frontière libanaise n’est pas homogène dans son étendue, elle se découpe en plusieurs secteurs représentant chacun une spécificité juridique propre. Ainsi, la frontière au Sud et au Nord et une partie de la frontière Est, sont régit par des conventions de frontières établies par le mandat français, alors que le reste de la frontière Est, est régit par l’application de la règle de l’uti possidetis juris. L’étude s’arrête également sur les secteurs litigieux de la frontière entre le Liban et Israël dans le secteur du Sud d’un coté, et le Liban et la Syrie dans le secteur Est de la frontière d’un autre coté. Elle avance également une nouvelle approche pour le règlement du litige des Hameaux de Chebaa entre ces trois pays frontaliers avec l’intervention des Nations Unies. / This thesis addresses the issue of the Lebanese boundaries in accordance with the rules and jurisprudence of international law. It retraces the composition of the Lebanese territorial block referring to the mandatory archives of the States in the Levant, France and England, to understand the selection and allocation among the present boundaries between the States. The study goes on to analyze the legal specificity of each section of the Lebanese border and to study the rules of international law applicable to it. Indeed, the Lebanese border is not homogeneous in its scope; it is divided into several sectors each representing a specific legal entity. Thus, the Southern and Northern borders and part of the Eastern border, are governed by boundaries conventions established by the French mandate, while the rest of the eastern border, is governed by the application of the uti possidetis juris rule. The study also stops on the disputed sectors from the areas between Lebanon and Israel in the South from one side, and Lebanon and Syria in the eastern border on the other side. It also suggests a new approach of the Chebaa’s Farms dispute between these three neighboring countries with the United Nations’ intervention.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient. / The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration.