Žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai vienas milijonas rusakalbių atvyko į Izraelį iš buvusių komunistinių šalių. Šiandien 20 % Izraelio visuomenės sudaro rusakalbiai asmenys. Iš kitų visuomenės grupių jie išsiskiria tuo, kad nesugebėjo tapti integralia Izraelio visuomenės dalimi ir sukūrė atskirą rusakalbių subkultūrą šalyje. Šis atsiskyrimas nuo likusios Izraelio visuomenės lemia sudėtingus rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės tarpusavio santykius su Izraeliu ir Rusija: Izraelio politiniame ir ekonominiame gyvenime ji dalyvauja tarytum „atskira etninė grupė“, o su Rusija sukuria stiprų diasporinį ryšį. Žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai ne tik milijonas rusakalbių žydų sugrįžo į savo tėvynę, bet ir Rusija su Izraeliu užmezgė ir ėmė vystyti draugiškus santykius. Darbe keliamas tikslas išsiaiškinti, kokį vaidmenį rusakalbių Izraelio žydų bendruomenė vaidina Izraelio-Rusijos tarpusavio santykiuose. Atsižvelgiant į darbo tikslą, keliama hipotezė: rusakalbių Izraelio žydų bendruomenė yra vienas iš Rusijos-Izraelio santykių transformaciją teigiama kryptimi lėmusių veiksnių. Siekiant patikrinti hipotezę, numatomi tokie uždaviniai: 1) apsibrėžti diasporos sąvoką ir teorinį diasporos veikimo tarp gimtosios ir priimančiosios valstybių modelį; 2) išsiaiškinti rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės identifikavimosi su rusiškąja kultūra ypatumus ir įvertinti šios identifikacijos sąlygojamą nesiintegravimo į Izraelio visuomenę procesą; 3) įvertinti rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės, Izraelio ir Rusijos interesus viena kitos atžvilgiu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn’t integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers’ subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it’s entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term „diaspora“and theoretical model of diaspora‘s action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community‘s identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and... [to full text]

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the changes in Israeli security policy. The thesis consists of four main parts. In the first part, the factors influencing the formation of Israeli security policy such as history, religion, ideology and threat perceptions are examined. Israeli military doctrine and its offensive, defensive and deterrence strategies are identified as the most important subcomponents of the security policy. The following part analyzes the changes and continuities in Israeli threat perceptions and the implementation of the military doctrine during and after the six main wars of the War of Independence, the war against Egypt in 1956, the Six Day War, the War of Attrition, the Yom Kippur War and the War in Lebanon in 1982. In the third part, the changes in Israeli security policy during 1990s are scrutinized. With the peace process, Israel&rsquo / s existential threat perception decreased but new threat perceptions of terrorism and conventional and nuclear military buildup in the region emerged / therefore security was redefined by the Israeli political and military decision-makers. In the last part the impact of the collapse of peace process and Sharon&rsquo / s coming to power on Israeli security policy is analyzed. Sharon&rsquo / s period can be defined by offensive security strategies aiming at preventing terror which has been the top security problem since the Al Aqsa Intifada. As a result, this thesis argues that Israeli security policy did not indicate significant changes until 1990s, however during 1990s Israeli security situation and security policy changed as a response to the regional and international developments. Post-2000 period witnessed changes as well with Sharon&rsquo / s returning to offensive strategies.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1996. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 274-290). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1996. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 274-290). Also available on the Internet.

The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. / International Politics / D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.

This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.

This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.

No description available.

L’orchestre symphonique du West-Eastern Divan Orchestra semble constituer un bon support de réflexion sur la possibilité d’échapper aux stéréotypes dans la communication, du fait même de sa nature qui met ensemble les deux parties d’un conflit historique à savoir le conflit israélo-palestinien. Ce sujet est par essence problématique dans le monde des médias internationaux, puisqu’il fait l’objet de censure et de diverses omissions de la part de certaines parties gênées par l’existence même de cette formation. Ce projet semble également faire l’objet de discours divergents et fournit une matière intéressante de communication non consensuelle. Comme hypothèse de travail, cette thèse postule que la médiatisation du WEDO va à contre-courant de l’image qui entoure habituellement le conflit israélo-palestinien. Cette recherche se propose de discerner les échos qui circulent autour de ce phénomène du WEDO et examiner les multiples facettes développées par les différents discours qui prennent en charge ce projet. Le résultat expérimental confirme l’hypothèse de travail et infirme l’aspect de la couverture médiatique non consensuelle. En fait, les médias sont partagés par rapport à l’image controversée de Daniel Barenboim, un personnage à contre-courant et un projet d’étude en lui-même. La présentation du WEDO, dans l’ensemble du discours médiatique, quels que soient le pays d’origine, la coloration politique et la rubrique, est entre favorable et très favorable. Également, l’aspect le plus développé est le caractère pacifique de l’orchestre ; effectivement les énoncés qui traitent de l’image médiatique de l’orchestre dénotent dans leur ensemble la représentation d’une entreprise courageuse bannissant les conflits et les atrocités de la guerre et d’une nouvelle forme de pensée empruntant à Goethe cet esprit universel pour la paix entre les hommes et fait de la musique un chant privilégié de fraternité et d’amour. / The symphony orchestra of the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra seems to be a good reflection of support on the opportunity to escape the stereotypes in communication, by virtue of its nature that puts together the two parts of a historical conflict namely the israeli-palestinian conflict. This topic is problematic for nature in the world of international media, since the subject of censorship and various omissions on the part of some parts hindered by the very existence of this composition. This project also appears to be divergent speech and provides an interesting field of non-consensual communication. As a working hypothesis, this theory posits that the media coverage of WEDO goes against the grain of the image that usually surrounds the israeli-palestinian conflict. This research aims to discern echoes that circulate around the phenomenon of the WEDO and examine the many facets developed by the various discourses that support this project. The experimental results confirm the hypothesis of work and cripple the aspect of non-consensual coverage. In fact, the media is divided over the controversial image of Daniel Barenboim, a character against the current and a research project in itself. The presentation of WEDO, throughout the media discourse, whatever the country of origin, political color and the item is between favorable and very favorable. Also, the most developed aspect is the peaceful character of the orchestra; indeed statements that deal with the media image of the orchestra as a whole indicate the representation of a brave company banishing conflicts and atrocities of war and a new way of thinking borrowed from Goethe to this universal spirit peace among men and made music a special song of brotherhood and love.