Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux conditions qui ont mené à la guerre de six jours de 1967 au Moyen-Orient. Tout particulièrement, mon mémoire investiguera les dynamiques domestiques qui influent sur la prise de décision politique. L’hypothèse principale suppose que le mode de gestion de la société, choisi par le gouvernement au pouvoir, influe et contraint les options de politique étrangère disponibles à celui-ci. . Un régime peut recourir à deux modes de gestion de la société : l’exclusion et l’inclusion, à plusieurs degrés. En fonction du mode de gestion choisi, le gouvernement aura besoin de plus ou moins de ressources pour le mettre en place et pour le préserver. La quantité et la nature des ressources utilisées au niveau domestique contraindront les options de politique étrangère disponibles au régime Les guerres du Moyen-Orient, et la politique étrangère des pays de la région sont souvent interprétées selon des principes réalistes : la recherche du pouvoir et de sécurité guide la politique étrangère. Ce mémoire cherche à souligner l’importance de dynamiques domestiques sur le processus de prise de décision politique, mais également l’influence qu’a le conflit israélo-arabe sur la structure, le fonctionnement et la société des pays concernés. / This thesis looks at the conditions that led to the outbreak of the 1967 Six Day War in the Middle East. Specifically, my thesis investigates the domestic dynamics that influence the political decision-making process. The main hypothesis suggests that the type of societal management chosen by the government in power will influence and determine the foreign policy options available. A regime may choose between two types of societal management: exclusion and inclusion, which can be applied to greater or lesser degrees. Depending on the type of societal management chosen, the government will need more or less resources to implement and maintain it. The quantity and nature of resources used domestically will determine the foreign policy options available to the regime. In the Middle East, wars and foreign policy are often interpreted according to realist principles: the quest for power and safety are said to be the main determinants of foreign policy. This thesis seeks to highlight the importance of domestic dynamics in the process of political decision-making, but also the influence of the Arab-Israeli conflict on the structure, development and society in the countries involved.

Techn. Univ., Diss.--Dresden, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. 463 - 478. CD-ROM enth. ausführliches Inhaltsverz., Anh. 1: UN-Resolutionen, Anh. 2: Dokumente zum Friedensprozess.

This thesis deals with gay identity politics and its relation to the Zionist ethos as it is portrayed in several Israeli films. It primarily analyzes two different points of view of two film directors whose homosexuality plays a central role in their cinematic work – Amos Gutman and Eytan Fox – and examines the way they perceive their gay lived experience. Analyzing Gutman’s Drifting (1983), Bar 51 (1985), and Himmo, King of Jerusalem (1987), I show how he encloses himself in his own queer universe and demands to be acknowledged as such, practicing his authenticity separately from the hegemonic discourse. On the other hand, the sexual politics in Fox’s Yossi & Jagger (2002) and Yossi (2012), suggests that homosexual men should join the national hegemonic space while ignoring their otherness. Since the films in question use the Zionist narrative and the national identity of their protagonists as points of reference, these two approaches are discussed in relation to the Zionist ethos. Several other films with similar points of reference are analyzed as well, including Fox’s Time Off (1990), Walk on Water (2004) and The Bubble (2006), Dan Wolman’s Hide & Seek (1979), Ayelet Menachemi’s Crows (1987), Nadav Gal’s A Different War (2003), Yair Hochner’s Good Boys (2005), and Mysh Rozanov’s Watch over Me (2010). Discussing the Zionist ethos, I emphasize Daniel Boyarin’s concept of the parallel between Jewishness, queerness, and abnormality. I show how the Zionist yearning for normalcy (the wish ‘to be like all nations’) and the identification of the homosexual as abnormal are embodied in the cinematic representations. The analysis in this thesis is mainly based on queer theory, as it strives to deconstruct and destabilize the traditional binaries of heterosexuality and show how the hegemonic discourse is based on those limited binaries. It challenges any political discourse that by naturalizing heterosexuality enforces heteronormative practices. By highlighting queer marginality in the cinematic text and linking it with elements of post-colonial theory and its analysis of the other, I show how gay identity politics discourse subverts or yields to the Zionist ethos. / text

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.

本研究採文獻分析法和戰史研究法，並從戰略——目的、手段、方法——之研究途徑切入。 研究重點首先從以色列之海域環境和威脅來源著眼，探討以色列國家安全戰略與防衛戰略構想；由於以色列之兵役制度與軍隊訓練情形，實為支持其遂行防衛戰略，達成其國家安全之重要支柱，故亦予分析。 其次，針對以色列海軍參與之重要戰爭，包括獨立戰爭、六日戰爭（美海軍情報船自由號被以色列海空軍擊沈事件和以色列埃拉特號驅逐艦被埃及飛彈快艇擊沈事件）、十月戰爭（以敘「拉塔基亞海戰」與以埃於紅海戰線之對決）、以及其他零星之重要衝突加以析論。 第三，探討以色列海軍之兵力建設與準則發展狀況，析出以色列海軍建軍發展之三個階段，研究其硬體建設（水面作戰艦艇、潛艦、突擊隊）、海軍任務、海軍作戰準則、反恐作戰準則與行為規範之發展情形。 最後，分析以色列海軍面臨之挑戰、探討其國防資源之分配問題、海軍高科技武器發展以及其於未來之展望。 具體研究成果包含找出以色列海軍影響深遠之戰役——拉塔基亞海戰，瞭解以色列海軍建軍發展之歷程，並且發現以色列海軍邁向新時代之發展趨勢。 研究心得有三點：第一，以—阿海軍戰爭之啟示；第二、以色列海軍發展之啟示；第三，研究以色列海軍之啟示。 / The Study of the Israeli Navy was made use of literature analysis and war history research method. It was written within the approach of the strategy research which of the aims, the means, and the ways. The paper will (1) introduce the sea environment of Israel and sources of the threats, discuss Israel national security and its defense strategic conception, and Israeli conscriptions and its military training; (2) examine the significance and importance of the Israeli Navy war history; (3) give a description of structures of the Navy and its doctrines; and (4) propose the challenge of the Navy, analyze its problem of the defense budget distribution, open its hi-tech weapon systems, and observe its future development. The results of this paper include: (1) excavate the most valuable warfare among the Israeli Navy war history which is the Battle of Latakia; (2) understand the structures of the Navy; and (3) find out the trend of the Navy future development.

Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.

The theme of this master's thesis is the phenomenon of wall in international relations, the aim of the following text is to analyze the selected border walls and their impact on international relations. The first chapter deals with theoretical concepts which are necessary for the analysis such as border and border wall. The second chapter analyzes historical border walls which are considered relevant - Great Wall of China, Hadrian´s Wall, Czechoslovak border fortifications and Berlin Wall. The third part focuses on current border walls as US-Mexican wall, Ceuta and Melilla border walls and Israeli West-Bank barrier. Finally, the aim of the epilogue is to outline the problem of "wall in the head".

Plus de 70 ans après la création de l'État d'Israël, un quart de siècle depuis la signature des accords d'Oslo, les espoirs de paix entre l'État d'Israël et les Palestiniens s’estompent. Le conflit israélo-palestinien ne s’en trouve pas forcément exacerbé, mais plutôt bien enlisé. Étonnamment, la sortie de cette impasse ne semble pas être une priorité pour les actuels leaders politiques des parties au conflit, le premier ministre israélien, Benyamin Netanyahou, et le président de l'Autorité palestinienne, Mahmoud Abbas. S’appuyant sur des travaux en analyse de politique étrangère argumentant que les conflits interétatiques peuvent s’avérer un moyen de diversion utilisé par les leaders politiques pour esquiver des problèmes de politique interne, ce mémoire se penche sur les raisons qui pourraient expliquer l’intérêt des leaders israéliens et palestiniens à maintenir le statu quo dans le conflit. La période observée s’étend de 2009 à 2019, soit une période à laquelle les deux hommes politiques se trouvent respectivement au pouvoir. Basé sur des travaux scientifiques, sur des analyses de think-tanks et sur de l’information collectée dans les médias israéliens et palestiniens, le mémoire s’appuie également sur une série d’entrevues menées entre décembre 2019 et mai 2020 en Israël et en Cisjordanie avec des universitaires, journalistes et décideurs tant israéliens que palestiniens. Question de recherche: « Si un règlement au conflit israélo-palestinien semble souhaitable, pourquoi les leaders israéliens et palestiniens ne font-ils pas davantage d’efforts pour résoudre le conflit? » / More than 70 years after the creation of the State of Israel and a quarter of a century since the signing of the Oslo Accords, hope for peace between the State of Israel and the Palestinians is fading. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not necessarily exacerbated, but rather immobilized. Surprisingly, ending this stalemate does not seem to be a priority for the current political leaders of the warring parties, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the President of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas. Building on foreign policy analyses which argue that inter-state conflicts may be a diversion used by political leaders to evade domestic issues, this research looks at the reasons that might explain the interest of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders in maintaining the status quo of the conflict. The researched period extends from 2009 to 2019 – a period in which the two politicians are respectively in power. Based on scientific work, think-tanks analyses, and information collected in Israeli and Palestinian media, the work also draws on a series of interviews conducted between December 2019 and May 2020 in Israel and in the West Bank with Israeli and Palestinian scholars, journalists, and policy-makers. Research question: "If a settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict seems desirable, why are Israeli and Palestinian leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas not making more efforts to resolve the conflict?"

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