Coal Mining has been the economic backbone of many communities in Southern Appalachia for over a century. As our nation and the world begin to feel the concrete effects of climate change, communities need to prepare for the necessary transition to renewable energy. We sought to gain a better understanding of how the transition away from industrial coal mining into renewable energy sources has changed the lives of not only the miners and their families but also the community at large, presently. Results were limited to peer reviewed academic journal materials and publications that are published by reputable and relevant sources with publication dates ranging from 2013 to 2023. The Key Search Terms were: “Coal” “Appalachia” “Renewable” “Energy” and “Just Transition.” Of the 109 articles that resulted roughly 82 were eliminated due to not aligning fully with our topic. Another 14 were removed because they did not deal with Appalachia. Out of the 13 remaining, eight were from scholarly journals, three were from scientific websites, and two were from both a book and a doctoral dissertation concerning the “Just Transition.” The review of our chosen sources supports the facts that there is a social movement away from coal and into renewable energy resources. The growing pains associated with this transformation have been taxing for the communities involved but, research indicates, the gains from new renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, and geothermal far outweigh any temporary financial booms gained from continuing to invest community resources in mining coal and cutting timber. These outdated modes of wealth accumulation have proven to be both harmful and ephemeral. The cost in the deteriorating health of both the miners and their families has been catastrophic for Appalachians. Black Lung and other pulmonary ailments as well as the Opioid Epidemic have lowered average life expectancies for the first time in generations. The transition into both natural gas and the use of renewables has made coal companies cut costs in both supervision and safety. The results have crippled and disabled many coal miners, driven them to the use of powerful opioids and the resulting black market even caused a small coal mine support town in Southwest Virginia, Norton, to become the “Oxycontin Capital of the World.” The technologies involved with renewable energy sources and subsequent cleaning up of the environment around reclaimed mines will create more jobs than the mines ever did and the extra capital will allow these towns, communities, and this region to grow robust and thriving public service and utility infrastructures that will heal both the great land and great people of Southern Appalachia.

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Since the establishment of Scotland’s Climate Change Act, principles of just transition have been statutory and guiding the implementation of several policies on the area. Such policies have laid the foundation for collaborative governance efforts, that invites state and non-state partners to engage on the political arena. Critiques towards such collective governance approaches argue that it promotes a post-political condition, guided by values of consensus and cohesion, that moves democratic issues to the periphery of political inquiry. By analysing key just transition policies within Scotland, and conducting interviews with non-state actors with different relations to the Scottish policy process, I seek to gain greater understanding of how the discursive positioning of agents of change could be understood through post-politics. Thus, this thesis explores how agents of change, and their agency, is made sense of, and how this sense-making reflects contradictory and challenging dynamics such as power struggles, conflicts of interest, and collective action problems, within just transition. I identify four key agents of change – workers, communities, industries, and the government – and discover that the policy material and my interviewees position these agents differently in relation to the problems of just transition. Further, I also identify challenging dynamics within sense-making of agents of change, such as contradictory transition narratives, tensions regarding how the relationship between labour and nature is made sense of, as well context-bound relationships between the change agents. I conclude that the strive for social consensus within the collaborative sphere neglects these challenging and contradictory dynamics, and fails to reflect the democratic pluralism of how agents of change are made sense of in the Scottish context.

This thesis examines the justice priorities found in the national climate transition governance proposed by the eight political parties represented in the Swedish parliamentary. Building on previous research on how justice perspectives are integrated in Sweden’s national climate transition policy discourse, this thesis contributes by identifying prioritized areas and actors/groups in each of the political parties’ climate transition proposals and comparing justice priorities that emerge in these policy proposals.  Just transition is used as a theoretical framework to analyze the political parties’ perspectives on global climate justice, the economy and labor market, environmental justice, and transportation and energy.  The findings show that while explicit justice priorities do not make up a major part of the motions, all political parties consider various social goals alongside emission reductions in their national climate policy. The Swedish political parties all offer different climate transition governance proposals, but a lot of justice priorities are shared. An overall focus on job creation, lowering energy costs for households, and lowering emissions from the transportation sector without limiting mobility is present across the board.

This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.

En effektiv klimatomställning kräver aktiv inkludering av rättvisa i forskningen och att specificera hur samhällsgrupper särskilt påverkade av klimatomställningen definierar rättvisa. Syftet med denna uppsats är att beskriva vad människor bosatta på landsbygden upplever är en rättvis klimatomställning samt att förstå vad som krävs för att åstadkomma en rättvis klimatomställning. Fokusgrupper har genomförts och analyserats utifrån olika dimensioner av rättvisa som utgör begreppet rättvis omställning; rättvis fördelning, proceduriell rättvisa, rätt till erkännande, rumslig rättvisa och rättvis bild av landsbygden. Resultatet visar att landsbygdsbor inte upplever rättvisa utifrån någon av dimensionerna och att åtgärder behöver vidtas för att de ska göra det. Vad som krävs är för att åstadkomma rättvisa i klimatomställningen är att beakta och ta hänsyn till landsbygdens skilda förhållanden, att värdera landsbygdens välmående och att prioritera utveckling av landsbygden. Resultaten bidrar också till att utveckla begreppet rättvis omställning. / An effective low-carbon transition requires an active inclusion of justice in research to specify how societal groups especially impacted by the low-carbon transition defines justice. The aim of this essay is to describe what people living in rural areas experience as a just transition and to understand what is required to achieve a just transition. Focus groups have been conducted and analysed through different dimensions of justice that make up a just transition; distributional justice, procedural justice, recognitional justice, spatial justice and a just image of the periphery. The results show that people living in rural areas does not experience justice through any of the dimensions and that action is needed for them to do so. What is required to achieve a just transition is to consider and take into account the different conditions specific to rural areas, to value the wellbeing of rural areas and to prioritize development in rural areas. The results also contribute to develop the concept just transition. / Inkluderande klimatomställning – dialoger om att leva hållbart bortom staden

The climate crisis is an urgent threat towards people and planet, and rapid changes are needed to decarbonize the planet. The energy sector is in a current transition to renewable-based energy, which also includes a shift to electric cars. Electric cars are motivated to be the future, which will be beneficial for the economy and the environment. The industry has also received criticism, several human rights violations occur in the supply chains of the electric cars and that it is an industry that risk increasing global inequalities. This study explores the complexity of the car industry’s transition to renewable energy, based on case studies of Volvo, Mercedes, and Volkswagen, and their sustainability work related to the supply chains of electric vehicles batteries. The purpose is to show the relation between companies and power structures, as an exemplification of the possibilities for a just energy transition from fossil fuel-based energy to renewable-based energy. The findings shows that the transition is shaped by economical values, which risks broaden the gap between Global South and Global North. It emphasized that it is an issue that needs a collective effort to change the Status Quo, to create sustainable solutions based on the three pillars of sustainable development beneficial for all, not only the Global North.

Industrisektorn står inför omfattande omställningsutmaningar i samband med dess höga klimat- och miljöpåverkan. Trots att en omställning av fossilintensiva industrier är högst nödvändig är samhället fortfarande beroende av dem på flera sätt eftersom de bidrar till viktiga samhällsfunktioner, arbetstillfällen och produkter. Omställningar är ofta omtvistade, där framför allt klimat- och miljöfördelar ställs mot ekonomiska och sociala nackdelar. Detta har skapat en debatt om hur omställningsarbetet ska genomföras på ett rättvist sätt. Rättvis omställning är ett koncept som ska minimera de negativa effekterna som omställningar kan resultera i och samtidigt maximera de positiva effekterna. Både EU och Sverige har politiska ambitioner för att underlätta genomförandet av en rättvis omställning, exempelvis genom den gröna given, fonden för rättvis omställning och nationella styrmedel. Syftet med denna studie är att utforska hur rättvis omställning speglas i debatten kring omställningen av svensk industri. Mer specifikt kommer åsikter om de två fossilintensiva industrierna Cementa och Preemraff att undersökas genom att analysera delar av mediedebatten. För att undersöka aktörernas åsikter har kvalitativa innehållsanalyser och intervjuer genomförts. Studien visar att motståndarna till industrierna framför allt lyfter argument om den negativa klimat- och miljöpåverkan som industrierna har, medan förespråkarna främst lyfter argument kopplat till negativa ekonomiska och samhällsmässiga effekter som en omställning kan innebära. Även om åsikterna går isär kring hur omställningen av fossilintensiva industrier ska genomföras på ett rättvis sätt belyser vår studie vikten av att beakta olika perspektiv i omställningar. / Deep decarbonization of fossil-intensive industries will be necessary to keep global warming well below 2°C. However, industries play an important role considering their contribution to jobs, local society, and necessary materials. Industries multifaceted advantages and disadvantages often result in infected debates considering how a just transition should be implemented. Just transition is a concept where the negative impacts a transition could result in should be minimized and simultaneously maximize the positive effects. There are political ambitions in both the EU and Sweden to facilitate a just transition, for example through the European Green Deal, the fund for a just transition and national policy instruments. The aim of this study is to explore how a just transition is framed in parts of the media debate concerning transitions of Swedish fossil-intensive industries. More specifically the study investigates the opinions about the two fossil-intensive industries, Cementa and Preemraff. This has been made possible to investigate through qualitative content analysis and interviews. The analysis shows that opponents to the industries mainly highlight the negative climate and environmental impacts while the advocates mostly highlight social and economic concerns. Even though the opinions about how a just transition of industries should be made differs, our study illustrates the importance of implementing justice in the transition process of fossil-intensive industries.

Klimatförändringarna är en av vår tids största utmaningar och stater har samlat sig för att begränsa de bakomliggande orsakerna och dess konsekvenser. Genom avtal, agendor och deklarationer planerar stater för gröna ekonomier fria från utsläpp av växthusgaser, med målsättning att förhindra ytterligare störningar i klimatsystemet. Omställningsarbetet för att minska utsläppen av växthusgaser har sipprat ner på kommunal nivå, eftersom deras lokala expertis och förmåga att verka på gräsrotsnivå är avgörande. Forskarsamväldet har synliggjort vikten av att basera omställningen på rättviseaspekter, men definitioner av en rättvis omställning är tvetydiga inom området. Den här studien syftar till att undersöka om och hur miljö- och klimaträttvisa framställs i svenska kommuners strategier för att motverka klimatförändringar. För att uppfylla studiens syfte har tillgänglig strategisk dokumentation av fyra svenska miljö- och hållbarhets-topprankade kommuner analyserats. Med vägledning av JUST-ramverket, som representerar principerna för miljö- och klimaträttvisa, visar resultatet att även om rättviseprinciper inte är huvudsyftet med deras strategier, är aspekter av rättvisa relativt närvarande. Resultatet visar dessutom att kommunernas olikheter och förutsättningar påverkar deras strategiska arbete med klimatförändringar och likaså förekomsten av miljö- och klimaträttvisa. / Climate change is one of the main challenges of the 21st century, and states are coming together intending to mitigate its causes and consequences. Through agreements, agendas and declarations, states aim towards green economies to prevent further disruptions within the climate system. Furthermore, the transition work to reduce greenhouse gas emissions has trickled down to a municipal level, as their local expertise and ability to operate at a grassroots level is vital to the transitional work. Scholars have highlighted the importance of making the transition based on aspects of justice, even though the definition of a just transition is unclear within the field. Therefore, this study aims to investigate how and if environmental and climate justice are occurring in Swedish municipalities' strategies towards climate change mitigation. To do so, available strategic documentation of four top-rated sustainability and climate-aware municipalities in Sweden has been analyzed and interpreted. Through the lens of JUST-framework, representing principles of environmental and climate justice, the results reveal that while justice is not a central point in these strategies, elements of justice are relatively present. The findings indicate that the municipalities' differences and circumstances affect their strategic work with climate change mitigation and whether justice is occurring.

För att stödja regioner och industrier att minska växthusgasutsläppen och nå Europeiska unionens mål om klimatneutralitet till år 2050 har EU tagit fram färdplanen “Den gröna given” och fonden för en rättvis omställning (FRO). FRO syftar till att minska negativa socioekonomiska konsekvenser som följer av omställningen mot mindre kolintensiva processer i sårbara regioner och industrier. Två av fyra utpekade svenska regioner är Västerbotten och Norrbotten samt deras metall- respektive stålindustri. Studiens syfte är att med en narrativ analys av Västerbottens och Norrbottens territoriella omställningsplaner och semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka hur tre policynivåer (nationell, regional och kommunal) uttrycker tolkningar av rättvis omställning. Med hjälp av en abduktiv ansats har tidigare studier fungerat som ett stöd för att identifiera rättviseanspråk (processuell, fördelning, erkännande och återställande) samt berättelser i studiens empiriska material. Studiens narrativa analys har belyst vilka aktörer det är som förväntas genomföra arbetet av omställningen och vilket utfall av vinster och förluster som kan följa. Dessutom tyder studiens berättelser att ett gemensamt arbete är viktigt för en rättvis omställning. Likaså framkommer det att den nationella politiska berättelsen präglar hur den regionala och kommunala berättelsen formas, samt vilka rättviseanspråk som dominerar. Studiens slutsatser är bland annat att återställande-rättvisa dominerar i den nationella berättelsen och att ett fokus finns på tekniska lösningar. Den regionala berättelsen använder främst processuell-rättvisa och betonar vikten av politiskt ansvarstagande. Den kommunala berättelsen använder också processuell-rättvisa men även fördelnings-rättvisa genom att uttrycka att medborgare också bör inkluderas i en rättvis omställning. / To support regions and industries in decreasing their greenhouse gas emissions and reaching the European union's goal regarding climate neutrality by 2050, the EU has presented a set of proposals named “The Green Deal” as well as the Just Transition Fund (JTF). JTF aims to limit the negative socioeconomic consequences that a transition towards less carbon intensive processes in vulnerable regions and industries could result in. Two of the four designated Swedish regions are Västerbotten and Norrbotten and their metal- and iron-industry. The study aims to, with a narrative analysis of Västerbotten’s, and Norrbotten’s Territorial Plans and semi-structured interviews, investigate how three policy levels (national, regional and local) express interpretations of Just Transition. With an abductive approach, previous studies have worked as a support in identifying justice claims (procedural, distributional, recognition, restorative) and stories within the empirical material. The study's narrative analysis has elucidated which parties that are expected to contribute to the transition and what wins and losses that the transition could result in. Furthermore, the studies stories highlight that working together is important in reaching a Just Transition. It also becomes clear that the national political story influences the regional and local policy stories, as well as which justice claims that are dominating. The study’s conclusions are, for example, that the spatial and temporal aspects of the story deepen the understanding of justice, and that recognitional justice is the least used justice claim in the study's policy stories.