The framers of the Constitution designed a document to be the "Supreme Law of the Land" and within its pages a branch of government, a federal judiciary, never before envisioned. The Constitution, along with the Federal Judiciary Act of 1789, set the framework for building the strongest branch of government, the Supreme Court. Historical events and court decisions with few exceptions strengthened the power of the judiciary contributing to its authority. The Supreme Court Justices, by interpreting the Constitution and judging the legality of laws instituted by both state and federal legislatures, solidified its superior position in the government hierarchy. An examination of documents, case decisions, and the results of these decisions for the nation add credence to the assertion that of the three branches of government the strongest and most powerful was and is the Supreme Court.

Constitution is a contract between a state and its people. For a modern democratic state ruled by law, all limitations on exercise of a state's right are stipulated in its written constitution in order to protect the people's rights from being infringed. Besides, the value of constitution is established through the will and thoughts of the whole people to lead the way for a well-ordered constitutional government. Even though a state ruled by an unwritten constitution, there will be legal instruments, customary practices, judgements and theories to form a substantive standard with biding force. According the constitution of the Republic of China, Grand Justices of the Judicial Yuan are the supreme and sole constructionist. They are vested with the authority to shoulders the heavy responsibilities of safeguard and support of the constitutional system. For this reason, Grand Justices enjoy the good name of "guardian angel of constitution". The Grand Justices of course should construe laws and decrees in accordance with the regulations of the constitution, so as to exert their judicial influences on balance of power, protection of human right and solution of constitutional disputes. A constitution lays down nothing but the political life of a state. So, the Grand Justices should take the development, change and needs of politics, economics, society and culture into consideration based on laws before they make a proper judgement and decision. That is not only an inevitable fate of the Grand Justices to be "political", but also an essential political character of a constructionist. In the past over 5 decades, our constitution experienced an unusual period of legal system, transformation of regime, frequent modification of constitution, and even the rotation of political parties. In the face of such a great change in environment, tide and the times, it is inevitable for a constructionist to present a different style in its construction of the constitution.

Contrasted with the other branches of government, the Supreme Court has long been an institution posing a level of secretiveness equal to its power. Naturally, that has developed a desire, and maybe necessity, to gain a better understanding regarding the principal influences of judicial decision making on America’s highest Court. One phenomenon that has long been of interest to Court observers is the notion of the justice’s voting across established ideological lines. Previous attempts to explain and reconcile cross-ideological votes have focused on the influence of external actors on the Court, its legitimacy, public opinion, and dynamics between justices. Yet, there remains a need to scrutinize the types of cases most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among justices in order to offer explanatory factors as to when a particular cross-ideological vote occurs. Often ignored in the quest to ascertain factors influencing particular justices and the Court as a whole, is the need for a study of case topics and the ability of these topics to correlate to an unexpected vote by a justice. In this thesis, I analyze which legal issues embedded within Supreme Court cases are most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among justices. I then propose a theory for predicting what issue areas are most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among Supreme Court justices in the future. In this research, I find that the issue area of criminal procedure correlates to the largest number of cross-ideological votes by Supreme Court members. Interestingly, I also find that conservative and liberal justices are equally inconsistent in voting concerning criminal procedure cases.

Rechercher dans les cinq districts du département des Bouches-du-Rhône, les Justices de paix installées dans tous les cantons, entre 1790 et fin décembre 1792. Etudier les difficultés de leur installation par rapport au système électoral de désignation des juges, des assesseurs, des greffiers, instauré par la Loi d'organisation judiciaire des 16/24 août 1790 et analyser le fonctionnement et l'évolution de ces juridictions pendant la première période de leur existence, entre 1790 et décembre 1792. / Search in the five districts of the Bouches du Rhone Department, the Justices of Peace installed in all cantons between 1790 and December 1792. Examine the difficulties of their installation relative to the electoral procedure of appointment of the judges, assessors, registrars who was established by the Law d'Organisation Judiciaire of the 16 and 24 August 1790. Examine the functioning of these jurisdictions during the first period of their life between 1790 and December 1792.

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Le 18 mars 2000, Chen Shui-bian, représentant le Parti Démocrate-Progressiste (Minjindang) succédait à Lee Teng-hui, appartenant au Parti Nationaliste (Kuomintang), premier président élu au suffrage universel à Taïwan. Cependant, le Yuan législatif a connu à partir des années 2000, et jusqu'au terme du second mandat de Chen Shui-bian en 2008, de nombreux blocages, résultant du fait que le KMT et ses alliés du camp pan-bleu aient réussi à conserver à toutes les élections législatives le contrôle du parlement. Le point de départ de notre thèse est de comprendre comment ces blocages sont advenus, et la manière dont les différentes branches du gouvernement et du parlement ont négocié en vue de les résoudre. A ce titre, nous nous intéressons en particulier au rôle des Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire (Sifa yuan Dafaguan) dans la résolution de ces différends institutionnels. Nous nous demandons si ces derniers ont été un recours dont les différentes branches se sont servies pour résoudre ces différends ou bien sont-ils restés en retrait, préférant ne pas s'impliquer dans les problèmes politiques ? Les Grands Juges ont eu pour constante l'affirmation de leur indépendance en tant que cour constitutionnelle. Plutôt que de trancher les litiges, ils ont préféré les recours aux solutions négociées entre les acteurs, donnant un cadre aux institutions pour résoudre les conflits. En matière de libertés fondamentales et de droits de l'Homme, les Grands Juges ont statué en faveur de la garantie ou de l'extension des droits déjà inscrits dans la Constitution de 1947. Cette institution agit ainsi dans la continuité de son rôle historique dans la transition démocratique. / On March 18th, 2000, Chen Shui-bian, representing the Democratic-Progressive Party (Minjindang), succeeded Lee Teng-hui, member of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and first Taiwan president elected by popular vote. However, starting in 2000, and until the end of Chen Shui-bian's second term in 2008, a number of political standoffs occurred in the Legislative Yuan, as a result of the KMT and its allies of the so-called pan-blue camp securing control of the parliament's majority in every legislative election. Our thesis aims to understand how these deadlocks happened, and the way in which each branch of the government negotiated to find agreements. We particularly focus on the role played by the Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan (Sifayuan Dafaguan). Were the Great Justices called upon by the different branches of the government to end the stalemates, or did they stay away from political matters? The Great Justices have consistently asserted their independence as a constitutional court. Instead of deciding in favour of one party or another, they have privileged procedural solutions, providing thus an institutional framework for conflict resolution. In matters of civic liberties and human rights, the Great Justices have ruled in favour of protecting and extending the rights already enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. The Great Justices therefore appear more as defenders of rights, i.e. ombudsmen, rather than as a constitutional mechanism to work disputes out. This institution thus acts in keeping with its historical role during the democratic transition.

This study analyzes activist behavior of Supreme Court justices in 132 decisions which struck down congressional statutes as unconstitutional in 1789-1990. Analysis of the justices' activist rates and liberalism scores demonstrate that these votes are ideologically based. Integrated models containing personal attribute and case factor variables are constructed to explore the votes as activist behavior. The same models are also tested with a new dependent variable constructed to measure the nullification votes as liberal votes. The models which explain the votes as ideological responses better explain the votes than the models which explain the votes as activism or restraint. The attribute variables offer better explanation in the late 20th century models and the case factors offer better explanation in the early period models.

Le 18 mars 2000, Chen Shui-bian, représentant le Parti Démocrate-Progressiste (Minjindang) succédait à Lee Teng-hui, appartenant au Parti Nationaliste (Kuomintang), premier président élu au suffrage universel à Taïwan. Cependant, le Yuan législatif a connu à partir des années 2000, et jusqu'au terme du second mandat de Chen Shui-bian en 2008, de nombreux blocages, résultant du fait que le KMT et ses alliés du camp pan-bleu aient réussi à conserver à toutes les élections législatives le contrôle du parlement. Le point de départ de notre thèse est de comprendre comment ces blocages sont advenus, et la manière dont les différentes branches du gouvernement et du parlement ont négocié en vue de les résoudre. A ce titre, nous nous intéressons en particulier au rôle des Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire (Sifa yuan Dafaguan) dans la résolution de ces différends institutionnels. Nous nous demandons si ces derniers ont été un recours dont les différentes branches se sont servies pour résoudre ces différends ou bien sont-ils restés en retrait, préférant ne pas s'impliquer dans les problèmes politiques ? Les Grands Juges ont eu pour constante l'affirmation de leur indépendance en tant que cour constitutionnelle. Plutôt que de trancher les litiges, ils ont préféré les recours aux solutions négociées entre les acteurs, donnant un cadre aux institutions pour résoudre les conflits. En matière de libertés fondamentales et de droits de l'Homme, les Grands Juges ont statué en faveur de la garantie ou de l'extension des droits déjà inscrits dans la Constitution de 1947. Cette institution agit ainsi dans la continuité de son rôle historique dans la transition démocratique. / On March 18th, 2000, Chen Shui-bian, representing the Democratic-Progressive Party (Minjindang), succeeded Lee Teng-hui, member of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and first Taiwan president elected by popular vote. However, starting in 2000, and until the end of Chen Shui-bian's second term in 2008, a number of political standoffs occurred in the Legislative Yuan, as a result of the KMT and its allies of the so-called pan-blue camp securing control of the parliament's majority in every legislative election. Our thesis aims to understand how these deadlocks happened, and the way in which each branch of the government negotiated to find agreements. We particularly focus on the role played by the Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan (Sifayuan Dafaguan). Were the Great Justices called upon by the different branches of the government to end the stalemates, or did they stay away from political matters? The Great Justices have consistently asserted their independence as a constitutional court. Instead of deciding in favour of one party or another, they have privileged procedural solutions, providing thus an institutional framework for conflict resolution. In matters of civic liberties and human rights, the Great Justices have ruled in favour of protecting and extending the rights already enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. The Great Justices therefore appear more as defenders of rights, i.e. ombudsmen, rather than as a constitutional mechanism to work disputes out. This institution thus acts in keeping with its historical role during the democratic transition.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cassio Marafante.pdf: 847600 bytes, checksum: 68ba430ff87f81bccfb234fb695c1629 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work introduces the judgment experience`s aspects of a homicidal slave, from Bahia, judged by the Emperor State s Justice between the years of 1978 and 1880, at Piracicaba s County, São Paulo s Province countryside. It probemizes the relations between some protagonists evolved in this episode, focusing your performances and your functions in the justice arena and the action strategies taken by them, in a battle field of political power and the local tyranny (mandonismo). Examinations about the way they interact with social dynamics and politics from the issued ages are discussed in this work: like the situation understanding of what the public and private slave control politics were inserted, such as the tensions and settle downs from the same people in the society, in the local politic and Emperor. The study intends, still, to deal with the idea and the existence of a fatherly logical (lógica paternalista) to control the slaves and of other local politic power settle down of people involved in the slave judgment in São Paulo West zone / O presente trabalho apresenta aspectos da experiência do julgamento de um escravo homicida, natural da Bahia, julgado pela Justiça do Estado Imperial entre os anos de 1878 e 1880, na comarca de Piracicaba, interior da província de São Paulo. Problematiza as relações entre alguns dos protagonistas envolvidos nesse episódio, focando suas atuações e seus papéis nas arenas da justiça e as estratégias de ação adotadas pelos mesmos, num campo de disputa de forças políticas e de mandonismo local. Observações sobre a forma com que interagiam com as dinâmicas sociais e políticas do período em questão são discutidas neste trabalho: como o entendimento de situações nas quais se inseriam as políticas públicas e privadas de controle de escravos, assim como as tensões e acomodações dos mesmos sujeitos na sociedade, na política local e Imperial. O estudo trata, ainda, da ideia e existência de uma lógica paternalista de controle dos escravos e de outra de acomodação de poder político local dos sujeitos envolvidos no julgamento do escravo na região do Oeste Paulista

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-22T13:45:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael Rosa da Rocha.pdf: 1226993 bytes, checksum: d53c8668f0e8044d7c944ce1febc9b67 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T19:06:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael Rosa da Rocha.pdf: 1226993 bytes, checksum: d53c8668f0e8044d7c944ce1febc9b67 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:06:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael Rosa da Rocha.pdf: 1226993 bytes, checksum: d53c8668f0e8044d7c944ce1febc9b67 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta dissertação discute a passagem de Faustino Ribeiro Junior pela Bahia – um “curandeiro” branco, letrado e de família tradicional – colocando em perspectiva a repercussão que ele causou na sociedade da época. Quando passou pelo Estado, nos idos de 1903, no contexto das reformas urbanas e sanitárias, as elites da sociedade baiana viviam numa constante busca pelo que se queria “civilizado”, “progressista” “moderno” em consonância com o discurso da recém-inaugurada República. Nesse cenário, a presença de Faustino fez com que, de maneiras bastante diferentes, periódicos locais que tinha por marca vinculação a grupos políticos utilizassem de sua imagem para tentar se projetarem no jogo político. O curador foi visto pela Inspeção de Higiene como elemento que representava atraso para a sociedade baiana, perseguindo-o e mobilizando os artifícios disponíveis na época para coagir o “curandeiro”. Tem por objetivo apresentar e analisar, no cenário hostil às práticas de cura não oficiais, como as questões de saúde, jurídicas, políticas e sociais permeavam a atuação de Faustino. Buscamos problematizar tais questões para compreender a relação entre a Inspeção de Higiene, “o governo” e a Justiça. Palavras-chave: Faustino Ribeiro; práticas de cura; saúde; justiça.This thesis discusses the presence of Faustino Ribeiro Junior in Bahia - a white 'healer', educated and member of a traditional family - intending to show the impact that he caused on the society of the time. When he was in the State of Bahia in 1903, in the context of urban and health reforms, the elites of Bahian society lived in a constant search for what was understood as "civilized", "progressive", "modern" according to the ideology of the recent Republic. In this scenario, the presence of Faustino has made the local newspapers linked to political groups use their image to try to project themselves in the political game. The curator was seen by the Hygiene Inspection as an element what represented delay for the local society, chasing him and mobilizing the devices available at the time to coerce the "healer". This text aims to present and analyze, in the hostile scenario to healing practices, how health, legal, political and social issues have permeated Faustino's action. We seek to discuss such questions in order to understand the relationship between the Hygiene Inspection, the government and Justice.