Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Wien. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Freie Universiẗat, Berlin, 2003.

Thesis (doctoral)--Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder). / Includes bibliographical references.

Tübingen, Univ., Diplomarb., 2003.

Údery NATO, hned po jejich zahájení, vyvolaly velké debaty na celém světě: dilema spočívala v tom, že snaha zastavit ?etnické čistky? kosovských Albánců ze strany Bělehradu měla tak nejistý právní základ: zásah NATO v Kosovu totiž neměl mandát Rady bezpečnosti OSN. Zákaz použití síly je jus cogens v mezinárodním právu a výjimky které vyjmenovává Charta OSN zásah neospravedlňují. Přesto, mezinárodní společnost považuje zásah legitimním. Ve své práce bych se chtěla zaměřit právě na otázku legality kosovského zásahu NATO, částečně i legitimity, nebo nakolik se dá vykompenzovat ?neúplnou? nebo ?nedostatečnou? legalitu právní legitimitou.

The aim of the master thesis is to analyze the Visegrad foreign policies towards Kosovo and moreover the question of the development of its international status as a sovereign state. First, the focus is on the context of action of thoses four countries in a stategical and historical perspective. Then it is described how are constructed the foreign policies the Visegrad countries towards the specific question of Kosovo, taking into account the different national constraints and opportunities.

The concept of sovereignty has been a contestable idea throughout history, and its meaning has oftentimes transformed to reflect prevailing systemic conditions and political priorities of major actors in each historical period. In this study, I argue that the social construction of state sovereignty is at the beginning stages of another major redefinition. In an era of globalization and regional integration, discourse on sovereignty has become increasingly prolific as the rhetoric of sovereignty moves away from Westphalian principles that were based exclusively on the agency of independent states. Furthermore, multinational campaigns to promote international human rights engender a discourse that suggests the idea of sovereignty is changing. Does this emerging discourse confirm the growing legitimacy of humanitarian intervention, or is it merely a discursive trend in international relations that does not indicate significant change in state perception and behavior? The purpose of this work is to address this question. / Master of Arts

The pivotal argument of this thesis is that, due to specific circumstances, Kosovo operates as an EU protectorate. Firstly, the political status of Kosovo deeply divides the UN members, including the major powers, which makes unilateral decisions ineffective. This implies that neither side can achieve maximalist demands, and thus further negotiations are required. Secondly, both representatives of Kosovo and Serbia expressed hope that their future is in the EU. Both sides are ready to compromise their legal and/or political status and welcome a solution under the formula: Kosovo to be independent of Serbia even if it means that Kosovo is not a sovereign state; and, Serbia not to recognise Kosovo, even if it means that Serbia loses authority over the region. Thirdly, the great powers, led by the USA and Russia, decided that the conflict and the political status of Kosovo should be facilitated by the EU. This decision, accompanied by the ICJ decision that Kosovo's solution should be sought through the EU political channels, gives the EU role of a moral agent. Finally, while the EU protects Kosovo in international affairs, it also requires from Serbia to recognise Kosovo's institutions and local autonomy.

yes / In the context of a fragile political and security situation, an ambiguous legal constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international `protection¿ and local ownership, academic and practitioner strategies in Kosovo have emphasized human protection, military security and public law and order. However, Kosovo is also a site of contention between economic norms. On the one hand, the external agencies have attempted to impose a neoliberal economic model, rooted in the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. On the other hand, Kosovars have clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange.

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