The purpose of this paper is to analyze Martti Ahtisaari’s comprehensive reportfor Kosovo, CPS, based on theories about democracy, democratization andmulticulturalism. The essay is a way to make a contribution to research on howthe international community can contribute to democratization processes ingeneral, as the CPS gives the expression and democratization of contextscharacterized by multicultural problems in particular. In this paper, we implementa qualitative text analysis of our main material CPS. The qualitative text analysiscan be applied in studies as ours when sought contents of the text are hidden underthe surface. In other words, we can’t read superficially and then draw conclusionsabout which theories of democracy, democratization and multiculturalism as theinternational community encourage in CPS. The conclusions in the paper are thatthe representative democracy theory is expressed most in the CPS, theparticipation democracy less and deliberative democracy least. Amongdemocratization theories the institutional is expressed most, modernization lessand smaller gaps in the population theory least. Kymlickas theory is expressedmore than Okin's theory about the multicultural society.

For many years the United Nations (UN) has sought to coordinate its numerous agencies and other humanitarian relief actors during responses to natural disasters and complex emergencies. Its success in this endeavor has been mixed. Through an analysis of three different humanitarian relief operations-the Rwanda genocide in 1994, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and the floods of 2000 in Mozambique-this paper describes more fully the conditions under which coordination efforts occur. Specifically, this essay argues that successful and effective coordination in each particular crisis depends on the extent to which certain capacity and contextual conditions were present. In addition, it suggests that the often-touted "coordination by command" approach, a top-down style of coordination, should not be assumed by the UN since, as the literature suggests, this notion is quite contentious among nongovernmental organizations and United Nations staff alike. This paper critiques the utility of pursuing this model and offers instead an alternative vision of a pragmatic facilitation role for UN agencies in humanitarian relief operations / Master of Public and International Affairs

This study seeks to investigate perceptions on education’s effect on political efficacy among university students at University of Pristhina, Kosovo; as well as how that seems to inform political behavior. Education is believed to have important implications on political behavior, an important factor for this is internal and external political efficacy, which allows research to disentangle educational effects on the individual’s political behavior. In-depth interviews were conducted during a minor field study to examine these perceptions. Three ideal personality types were detected among the respondents in regard to their respective level of internal and external political efficacy, while the perception of how education informed these two components on the contrary was portrayed as uniform regardless of level of perceived political efficacy. It is found, in line with previous research, that education is perceived to increase internal political efficacy, making the individuals more confident in their capacity to understand and participate in politics. External political efficacy seems to be less informed by education and more so by the societal context in which the students find themselves. In a context such as Kosovo, which still struggles with its democratization process, this leads to low levels of external political confidence. Further studies are recommended to increase the understanding of, in particular, the external political efficacy among youths in Kosovo.

This work is an analysis of Russian President Boris Yeltsin's decision-making process in the context of both foreign and domestic policy crises. The timeframe selected encompasses July 1998, as the Russian economy faltered and headed to eventual currency devaluation through June 1999, when NATO's air campaign in Kosovo ended through mediation proposed by Yeltsin and negotiated in part by his former prime minister, Viktor Chernomyrdin. The framework of this study is centered on Robert D. Putnam's "two-level game" model, and the focus on Yeltsin as leader and decision maker follows work in International Relations theory by Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin, Valerie Hudson, James D. Fearon, and Margaret Hermann among others. Yeltsin's personality, as well as the particulars of his biography, specifically involving the status of his health, contribute to the atmosphere in which Yeltsin made decisions, and therefore are important elements of the study. The Russian-U.S. relationship, which forms a foundational base to the crises and their resolution during this timeframe, also displays a high degree of personalization and figures prominently in the work. In describing the crisis situations in which Yeltsin's decisions evolved, this study also provides insight into Yeltsin's perceptions (or misperceptions) of the environment in which he operated. This includes his focus on the revanchist element in the parliament and his evaluation of the importance of the interpersonal relationships he had developed over the years with other state leaders. Yeltsin's view of the Russian state, as well as his goals for Russia, both domestically, in the form of the transition to a market economy, and in foreign policy, in the form of greater acceptance and cooperation with western states, also constitutes an integral part of this study.

The aim of this essay was to investigate European union’s role as a democracy promoter in Kosovo and its impact on the process of the democratization. Kosovo declared independency in 2008 and is a potential candidate country for a EU membership. In order to fulfil the aim of the essay three questions were used; To what extent has Kosovo fulfilled EU’s criteria of becoming a candidate country? In what way has the EU promoted democracy in Kosovo since their independency? To what extent has EU’s democracy promotion politics been successful or not? The method used to accomplish the purpose and answering the research-questions was qualitative text-analysis. The result of the study shows that the EU does perform as a democracy promoter and has contributed to the development of democracy in Kosovo. However, the EU’s democracy promotion is characterized by the enlargement of the European union and Kosovo’s interest in becoming a part of the union.

Submitted by Alice Rocha (rochaalice@yahoo.com.br) on 2012-08-30T01:25:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 BUANI.pdf: 6422556 bytes, checksum: dadda644b304bcdf1640dba4d7047923 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-30T01:25:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BUANI.pdf: 6422556 bytes, checksum: dadda644b304bcdf1640dba4d7047923 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T21:50:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 BUANI.pdf.txt: 423827 bytes, checksum: a7162d7e7d03b96d13ec3ff3f2f99241 (MD5) license.txt: 346 bytes, checksum: 6440c47a50909adf871d5cc0caf0b4f9 (MD5) BUANI.pdf: 6422556 bytes, checksum: dadda644b304bcdf1640dba4d7047923 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-29 / O trabalho trata da administração internacional no Kosovo, com a proposta de analisar a situação atual face à declaração unilateral de independência de 17 de fevereiro de 2008. Parte-se de uma análise histórica e dos conflitos dos Bálcãs, com a intervenção internacional de 1998-1999, para compreender a estrutura internacional montada na região, principalmente as atividades da Missão Interina das Nações Unidas para o Kosovo (MINUK) e da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN). A MINUK apresenta-se como tentativa de operação de reconstrução de estruturas da província, com objetivos indefinidos desde o início: encaminhar o Kosovo à independência ou a uma autonomia sob supervisão internacional. Essa indefinição reflete-se no plano jurídico, sem que haja um pronunciamento do Conselho de Segurança sobre a situação atual. A diversidade de atores, os interesses divergentes das grandes potências, a seqüência de desrespeito às normas e aos princípios internacionais tornam a análise do assunto complexa, um desafio ao direito internacional no mundo contemporâneo, com a chance de que o Kosovo sobreviva como Estado dentro de uma perspectiva européia.

Why and how do societies change institutions governing access to land after experiencing collectivism and conflict, and what form of economic governance emerges as a result? This empirically-focussed thesis examines changes in land governance in two successor states of Yugoslavia transitioning from inter-ethnic war to fragile peace, and from a command- to a more market-driven economy: Bosnia and Kosovo. The subject of analysis is explaining what drives processes of land governance change; how these occur; who engages in them; and the form of economic governance that appears to emerge. The thesis contributes to knowledge on international state-building in contexts where after conflict and collectivism, liberal state-builders are positioned to influence land governance alongside informal networks and domestic governing elites. Using process tracing and extensive field work data from semi-structured elite interviews and primary documentation, it investigates and compares six case studies of institutional change in land registration, use and alienation governance. It applies Ostrom's rational choice institutionalist analytical framework to identify the situational rules that created status quos of unregulated land access and enduring opportunities for rent-seeking in post-conflict Bosnia and Kosovo, as well as commonalities and differences between the cases. The framework suits taking a long-term perspective on change, from the end of conflict to 2015, and helps consider how structural influences, like Yugoslav and post-conflict legacies and liberal state-building agendas, may have (re)shaped enduring problems of unregulated land access. Finally, it permits using three different theories to explain why, how and with what outcome domestic and external actors change such status quos in land governance. All case study findings show that in quadruple transition contexts, land governance change processes emerge when domestic leaders learn and recognize the economic problems of unregulated land access. In particular, the lack of reliable information about land rights was seen to scare (foreign) real estate investors. This recognition was helped along by liberal state-builders that pressured for land governance change in both countries. However, in Bosnia,their pressure was short-term, and persistent only in land registration reform. Institutionalizing this liberalizing reform proved sufficient to attract foreign investors. Yet to access other land rents, like building permits, personal and political connections remained crucial for land investment. Having clearer land records thus appeared to consolidate rather than undermine more impersonal forms of economic governance. By contrast, Kosovo's land registration, use and alienation governance changed in far-reaching ways. Yet institutional changes often failed to resolve uncertainty about land rights. As such situations endured, elites recognized that Kosovo's economic problems grew. This motivated continued external, national and local-level support for land governance change. The concluding analysis gives reason to explain Bosnian land governance change as Limited Access Order Consolidation, while Kosovo's as Problem- Driven Iterative Adaptation. That suggests, on the one hand, that Bosnian and Kosovar elites tend to change situational rules in land governance differently: the former by only aligning them with narrow elite interests to consolidate their control over rent-seeking opportunities; the latter with a more inclusive, trial and error processes that have more fragile, open-ended outcomes. The difference seems to arise from Kosovo's economic predicament in land governance: it more strongly incentivizes local and national-level elites to cooperate and institutionalize changes that makes accessing land rents both easier and more impersonal. Yet on the other hand, the analysis shows commonality. The possibility of increasing land rents more powerfully explains land governance change than the introduction of a new external agenda, best practice or standard (Solution and Leadership Driven Change). I.e. observed over a longer period, it appears that post-conflict societies have strong endogenous reasons to rise above situations of unregulated resource access, and to collaborate and overcome collective action problems. Liberal state builders still have a potential role to play. They may help liberalize land governance to some extent, yet only so long as they commit with long-term support and a readiness to adapt to the interests of local governing elites. The thesis therefore underscores earlier findings that contest that liberal state-building agendas, including European integration, are principal drivers of institutional change in quadruple transition contexts. Simultaneously, it challenges findings that overemphasize the domestic constraints on (externallysupported) attempts at liberalizing economic governance. The thesis thus adds to debates between new institutionalists highlighting domestic 'deep structures' and those stressing external incentives and agency.

BAKGRUND: I bakgrunden beskriver vi vad litteratur och forskning tar upp kring skönlitteratur i undervisningen. Viktiga begrepp definieras. Vi redogör för den Kosovoalbanska läroplanen och kursplanen i albanska SYFTE: Vårt syfte är att undersöka hur lärarna i vår studie använder skönlitteratur i undervisningen och vilka faktorer som enligt lärarna påverkar hur undervisningen ser ut. METOD: Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ metod med öppna intervjuer och observationer. Intervjufrågorna har genererats utifrån observationerna detta för att få en tydligare bild för hur lärarna arbetar med skönlitteratur i undervisningen. RESULTAT: Vårt resultat visar på att lärarna i vår studie till större delen använder sig av traditionella metoder vid arbete med skönlitteratur. Resurserna och vilken politik som förs i kommunen påverkar undervisningen och läroböckerna i hög grad enligt lärarna. En önskan att arbeta med metoder såsom litteratursamtal finns hos samtliga lärare. Lärarna utgår uteslutet ifrån läroboken.

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<p>Försvarsmakten deltar i allt större utsträckning i operationer utomlands. Hittills har dock inte artilleriförband deltagit men möjligheten att tungt understöd kan komma att behövas verkar inte minska. </p><p>Syftet med min forskning är att försöka belysa och ta tillvara de slutsatser som dragits av svenska förband inom funktionen indirekt eld vid internationella operationer. På detta vis hoppas jag kunna bidra till att begränsa de problem som hittills har funnits och ta tillvara vad som har fungerat bra. </p><p>Problemformuleringen lyder: <em>Vilka faktorer samt hur har dessa påverkat användandet av funktionen indirekt eld vid svenska internationella insatser?</em> </p><p>Jag har genomfört en fallstudie på det indirekta eldsystemets nyttjande i Kongo och Kosovo. För inhämtning av information har jag använt mig av tekniken enkätundersökning samt intervju.</p><p>Några av de viktigaste resultat jag erhållit är att personalen inom funktionen indirekt eld måste ha djup förståelse och en bred kunskapsbank inom artilleritjänsten för att kunna lösa problem som kan uppkomma vid internationell tjänst. Lika självklart är att de också måste kunna fungera som en skyttepluton. Allt är beroende inom vilken konfliktnivå artilleriet kommer att verka. Vidare har det utifrån resultatet även framkommit att för att få verka inom Rules of Engagement måste det fastställas vilka krav som gäller på de underrättelser som eldledningsgrupperna presenterar. Detta för att ge ett bra beslutsunderlag så att processen från upptäckt till verkan går snabbare.</p>